Charleston Diary of Captain Johann Hinrichs - History

Charleston Diary of Captain Johann Hinrichs - History

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Diary of Captain Johann Hinrichs.

[April 24, 1780]. I was ordered by Major General Leslie at three oclock this morning to take thirty men and occupy the left of the advanced work, while Lieutenant von Winzingeroda with thirty jagers was to proceed to the right. When I arrived at the part thrown up last night, I had my jagers halt, while I myself and two men inspected the work, for I was aware of our light way of building and knew that we were right under the enemy's outer works. There was not a single traverse in a trench four hundred paces long. I went as far as the enemy's gatework. But as day was breaking, the enemy sent two enfilading shots from their left front redoubt into our trench, one of them enfilading en flame down the entire trench as far as the sap, while the other, en revers, struck the back of the parapet a hundred paces this side of the gatework.

I had my two jagers halt at the end of the trench to watch the gatework while I ran back to the British grenadiers in the second parallel. I brought one noncommissioned officer and twelve men (of the grenadier company of the 4:nd Regiment) and had a traverse made approximately in the center of the trench. General Leslie came and was surprised that no infantry was here yet. He thanked me for my labors. In the meantime I had my jagers fetch sandbags

I and lay them on the parapet. While in the trench, which was barely six feet deep where I stood, I heard a loud yelling in the center, i.e. in the space that was still between the right and the left section of the third parallel. At the same moment the double post I had left standing above fired, and the workmen on the other side of the traverse came running over crying, ``D—me, the rebels are there!"

I jumped on the parapet and when I saw the enemy, who were already pressing upon our right wing from a barrier situated at their left-wing front redoubt and were also rushing out of the gatework, I had my workmen seize their muskets, withdrew the two jagers this side of the traverse, and opened a continuous fire along the unoccupied part of the parallel as far as the gatework. The enemy, having penetrated our right wing, were already more than fifty paces behind us, partly between the third and second parallels. I ordered some jagers and Corporal Rubenkonig behind the traverse and had . them fire behind the trench across the plain. Now our second parallel began I to fire. This made many bullets fall in our rear. But when the second parallel pressed forward on our right wing, the enemy withdrew, leaving twenty muskets behind. But they covered their retreat with so excessive a shower of cannisters which were loaded with old burst shells, broken shovels, pickaxes, hatches, flat-irons, pistol barrels, broken locks, etc., etc. (these pieces we found in our trench), and so enfiladed us at the same time from the front redoubt of their left wing (fifteen balls were embedded in the traverse I had thrown op) that one could hardly hear another close beside him.

It was still dark, and the smoke of the powder was so thick that one could ut tell friend from enemy. Since I could not know that the enemy had withdrawn, I jumped on the parapet and had my jagers and grenadiers keep up such a hot fire along the trench and upon their embrasures that after half an hour's cannonade the enemy's batteries were silent. A deserter told us in the evening that Colonel Parker and several artillerymen were killed in an embrasure. I suffered no loss except one Englishman slightly wounded with a bayonet. The entire parapet where I stood with my men was razed more than one foot by the enemy's battery. What luck!

Our right wing, where Lieutenant von Winzingeroda was stationed with thirty jagers and twenty-five light infantry, did not get off so well. One lightinfantryman was killed, five wounded; two jagers had bayonet wounds and three, one of whom had a bullet wound in the abdomen, were taken prisoners. They were compelled to repair to the second parallel because through the negligence of the English the enemy was upon them too quickly, and without support they could not make a stand with discharged rifles against bayonets.

From Captain Lawson of the artillery I had borrowed two pieces resembling cohorns, taken on the Delaware frigate, which he had changed into I swivels. They were made of brass and had a chamber. They served me splendidly today, for my jagers had no more careridges. (Ae ten o~clock Eighteen fresh men and two companies of light infantry came to support me.) These Lawsons, as I shall call them, threw a hand grenade 1,800 feet. I also fired loo bullet canisters, 3-pound case shot, and one-half-pound bogy shot, firing in the course of the day 130 shots. The enemy tried to silence me with cannon, a sign that our fire was effective. However, I moved from one place to another with my pieces and sometimes fired three to four loo-bullet canisters into the enemy's embrasures. During the night this part of the parallel, which was pretty well shot to pieces, was repaired again and provided with several traverses. Likewise, a new sap was begun on the left wing of the left section of the third parallel.

The signal that the enemy was making a sortie along the whole line was a threefold "Hlltrey!" on our side—a fatal signal, indeed! About twenty to thirty of the enemy were seen at the gatework. Our nearest infantry post on guard gave the signal and fired. Everyone repeated the signal; the work-' men ran back; the second parallel saw them coming, heard the "Hurray!" believed they were enemies, and fired. Within a short time there was a tremendous fire of musketry, cannon and shell on both sides. It was two o'clock in the morning before everyone realized that it was a mistake. We had an officer killed (71st) and more than fifty [men] killed and wounded. Besides, our working parties could accomplish little or nothing during the night.

From Brigadier General William Woodford

We arrived here last evening in twenty three Days from petersburg, & have only left thirteen sick upon the Road, which an officer is bringing up—we have a few sick to leave here, the rest well & in good Spirits.

My artilery & Stores are about five or Six Days March in the rear—they will halt here till General Lincolns pleasure is known.1

My last letter from the Genl was dated the 17th but I have seen private letters here to the 28th,2 when all was well—the Enemy go on Slowly in their approaches, they have got some of their Ships over the bar the last spring tide, & have advanced their Works to a place called Warpoo cutt, distant from Town, one Mile & a quarter—they have fortified several places upon Ashly River, which (as far as I can be informd) they have entire possession of.3

Our Ships are to be sunk to obstruct the channel, & their men & guns added to the Garrison.4

Colo. Washington had a successfull skirmish the other Day with an equal number of the Enemies cavalry near Bacon’s bridge—he killed six & took seven with the loss of one Man killed & an Officer missing—he has taken a number of prisoners upon their lines, among them a Colo. Hamilton who commanded the N. Carolina Loyalists, & was within a few Minutes of takeing Sr Harry Clinton.5

These letters allso mention the arrival of our packet boat from the Havannah with an acct that the Spaniards are gone against pensecola,6 & that some Ships were prepareing to come to the assistance of Chs Town.

I hope we shall still be there in time to be usefull,7 as we march upwards of Twenty Miles every day that we are not plagued with a Ferry.

I sent Lt Colo. Nevill forward (who would be in C. Town last Night) to inform Genl Lincoln every particular respecting the Troops, & to take his directions for my conduct in marching them into Town8 I expect him to meet me at least fifty Miles on this side.

By the Enemies delay, they certainly have met with greater damage at Sea then we know of, the loss is said to have fallen cheifly upon the Transports with their Cavalry & heavy Artilly—those at their batteries being taken from their Ships.

My last to your Excellency was from Petersburg of the 8th—which I hope came safe to hand.9

I wish this to find your Excellency & Family in good Health. I have the honor to be with the highest Respect & esteem Your Excellencies Most Obedt humble Servt

2 . Neither Maj. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln’s letter to Woodford of 17 March nor the “private letters” have been identified.

3 . French military engineer Ferdinand Joseph Sebastian de Brahm, then in Charleston, S.C., recorded in his journal entries for 13 and 21 March: “The enemy took possession of the land on Ashley River opposite the town, constructed a battery near the mouth of Wappoo . …

“21st.—The English fleet passed the bar” ( Gibbes, Documentary History description begins R. W. Gibbes, ed. Documentary History of the American Revolution: Consisting of Letters and Papers Relating to the Contest for Liberty, Chiefly in South Carolina . . . . 3 vols. 1853-57. Reprint. Spartanburg, S.C., 1972. description ends , 2:124). For British and Hessian accounts of operations near Charleston in later March, see Gruber, Peebles’ American War description begins Ira D. Gruber, ed. John Peebles’ American War: The Diary of a Scottish Grenadier, 1776–1782 . Mechanicsburg, Pa., 1998. description ends , 350–55 Lydenberg, Robertson Diaries description begins Harry Miller Lydenberg, ed. Archibald Robertson, Lieutenant-General Royal Engineers: His Diaries and Sketches in America, 1762–1780 . New York, 1930. description ends , 216–19 Hinrichs, “Diary,” description begins “Diary of Captain Johann Hinrichs.” In The Siege of Charleston: With an Account of the Province of South Carolina: Diaries and Letters of Hessian Officers From the von Jungkenn Papers in the William L. Clements Library. Translated and edited by Bernhard A. Uhlendorf. Ann Arbor, Mich., 1938, pages 103–363. In University of Michigan Publications: History and Political Science , vol. 12. description ends 205–31 and Ewald, Diary description begins Johann Ewald. Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal . Translated and edited by Joseph P. Tustin. New Haven and London, 1979. description ends , 208–20 see also Mattern, Benjamin Lincoln description begins David B. Mattern. Benjamin Lincoln and the American Revolution . Columbia, S.C., 1995. description ends , 97–98.

4 . Brahm’s journal entry dated 9 and 10 March reads: “Seven vessels were sunk near the mouth of Cooper River, and cables fixed from one to the other, to prevent the entrance of this river” ( Gibbes, Documentary History description begins R. W. Gibbes, ed. Documentary History of the American Revolution: Consisting of Letters and Papers Relating to the Contest for Liberty, Chiefly in South Carolina . . . . 3 vols. 1853-57. Reprint. Spartanburg, S.C., 1972. description ends , 2:124).

5 . For enemy accounts of this action on 26 March, see the entry for 25 March in Ewald, Diary description begins Johann Ewald. Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal . Translated and edited by Joseph P. Tustin. New Haven and London, 1979. description ends , 214, and the entry for 27 March in Diary of Lieut. Allaire description begins Diary of Lieut. Anthony Allaire. 1881. Reprint. New York, 1968. Originally published as “Diary of Lieut. Anthony Allaire, of Ferguson’s Corps.” In King’s Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King’s Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led To It , by Lyman C. Draper. Cincinnati, 1881, pp. 484–515. description ends , 9.

John Hamilton (d. 1816) prospered as a merchant, first in Nansemond County, Va., and then near Halifax, North Carolina. An avowed Loyalist, he secured a commission as lieutenant colonel, raised the Royal North Carolina Regiment, and fought in the southern states with the British army. Hamilton’s capture in late March 1780 came soon after he had been released from prior captivity in a prisoner exchange, (see Samuel Huntington to GW, 7 Feb., n.3). He became a prisoner for a third time after the British surrender at Yorktown, Va., in October 1781. To Hamilton, a contemporary wrote, “the British nation owed more than to any other individual loyalist in the British service” ( Stedman, American War description begins C. Stedman. The History of the Origin, Progress, and Termination of the American War. 2 vols. London, 1794. description ends , 2:385). After the war, Hamilton resided in London until 1790, when he became British consul at Norfolk, Va., where he served until 1812. He died in London.

6 . Significant Spanish forces did not move against Pensacola, Fla., until 1781 (see Juan de Miralles to GW, 14 March, n.3).

7 . Woodford and his Virginia troops arrived in Charleston on 7 April (see his letter to GW, 9 April).

8 . Lincoln wrote Woodford from Charleston on 1 April: “I was the evening before last honored with your two favors of the 25th and 26th, one by Colonel Neville . … The measures you have adopted with regard to the sick I think are right.

“As the enemy are before our lines it will be necessary for you to march down the Country and fall on the east side of the Cooper river. Pursue such route as by the advice of your Guides you shall think best to Cainhoy, where boats will be sent for you. Please to advise me soon as you can ascertain when you shall arrive there.

“You had better leave your Artillery Waggons, and heavy baggage at Camden … you will bring to Town two horses for each field officer, if they chuse to do so—this indulgence is granted to Officers here—but my advice to them is that they leave their horses with the Qr. Mr. who will meet you at Cainhoy—to him you will deliver all public and private horses and waggons—he will order them to a place of safety and forage for them—you will bring on your Tents” ( Stewart, Life of Woodford description begins Mrs. Catesby Willis Stewart. The Life of Brigadier General William Woodford of The American Revolution . 2 vols. Richmond, Va., 1973. description ends , 2:1160–61). Woodford’s letters to Lincoln of 25 and 26 March have not been identified.

9 . Woodford is referring to a letter he wrote GW from Petersburg, Va., on 8 March.

Hinrichs was born in 1752 [1] and joined the army of Hesse-Kassel. He fought in the American Revolutionary War as part of the first group of Hessian soldiers to arrive in America starting in 1776. While serving as a lieutenant of jägers, he was badly wounded in the chest during the New York and New Jersey Campaign. He was promoted to captain in 1778 and wounded "several" more times during the war. He penned a series of letters to Friedrich Christian Arnold von Jungkenn, the Hesse-Kassel Minister of State. These missives survived and provide an important account of the war. [2] On 18 January 1778 he wrote that the Americans were not, "to be despised", and that it only, "requires Time and good leadership to make them formidable". [3] He also described his activities in detail during the Siege of Charleston in 1780. Historian Mark M. Boatner III remarked that his writings show that, "he was well-educated and had a keen and intelligent interest in a wide variety of subjects from fighting to music". He was trained as an engineer, fought as a jäger officer, and entered the line infantry in 1784. Transferring his allegiance to Prussia soon after, he was granted a title of nobility. [2]

By 1806, Hinrichs was a General-major in command of a brigade in Eugene Frederick Henry, Duke of Württemberg's Prussian Reserve in the War of the Fourth Coalition. On 17 October 1806, he fought in the Battle of Halle against the French I Corps under France Jean-Baptiste Bernadotte. Hinrichs' Advance Guard was made up of the Borell Fusilier battalion Nr. 9, Knorr Fusilier battalion Nr. 12, and Hinrichs Fusilier battalion Nr. 17, two squadrons of Usedom Hussar Regiment Nr. 10, one squadron of Hertzberg Dragoon Regiment Nr. 9, one squadron of Heyking Dragoon Regiment Nr. 10, and two horse artillery pieces. [4]

Württemberg's two infantry divisions lined up facing the city of Halle on the east bank of the Saale River. Meanwhile, Hinrichs defended the bridges on the west side of the city with a screen of infantry and dragoons, plus a few artillery pieces. Pierre Dupont de l'Etang sent the 32nd Line Infantry Regiment charging east along the causeway that led to the bridges with the 9th Light Infantry and three cannons in support. The French smashed through the Prussian defenses and quickly seized an island in the river. The Prussian foot soldiers remaining on the west bank were rounded up and captured while the dragoons swam their horses to safety. Within an hour Dupont's soldiers captured all three bridges and made Hinrichs a prisoner. Rushing into Halle, the I Corps overran a Prussian battalion and routed another from the city. [5] In the subsequent fighting, Württemberg's force was badly mauled, losing 5,000 killed, wounded, and captured. Bernadotte reported only 800 casualties. [4]

In the War of the Sixth Coalition, Hinrichs commanded 8,400 Prussian Landwehr at the siege of Küstrin. The operation lasted from April 1813 to 7 March 1814 before 5,000 French troops under Jean-Louis Fournier d'Albe surrendered. Hinrichs led three battalions each of the 1st East Prussian, 2nd East Prussian, and 3rd Neumark Landwehr Regiments, two squadrons of the 2nd Neumark Landwehr Cavalry Regiment, and one 6-pound foot battery. [6] Hinrichs was promoted to Generalleutnant [2] before his death in 1834. [7]

The Rise of Charleston’s Horn Work, Part 2

Over a period of nearly a year and a half in the late 1750s, the people of Charleston watched scores of laborers transform tons of oyster shells into a towering concrete barrier designed to protect the town’s northern boundary from invading enemies. Its construction was deemed vitally important in 1757, but the changing tide of world events convinced local authorities to abandon the tabby Horn Work before it was even finished. This turbulent genesis forms a long-forgotten prelude to the gallant defense of South Carolina’s capital during the American Revolution.

Let’s begin with a brief review of last’s week’s program. In mid-June 1757, during the early stages of the Seven Years’ War with France, Lieutenant Colonel Henry Bouquet came to Charleston with five companies of the British 60th Regiment of Foot (the “Royal Americans”). New defensive fortifications were then underway at White Point, at the town’s southern tip, but Bouquet convinced the South Carolina provincial government to construct a new fortified gate to defend the back or north side of the capital town. Lieutenant Emanuel Hess, an engineer with the 60th Regiment, drew a plan for a horn work composed principally of oyster shell concrete (tabby), with a narrow gate straddling the Broad Path (King Street) leading into Charleston. Governor William Henry Lyttelton approved Hess’s plan in late August, and planning commenced. In mid-October, Lt. Col. Bouquet and Lt. Col. Archibald Montgomery of the newly-arrived 62nd Regiment offered for some of their men to labor on the Horn Work. In early November, the South Carolina Commissioners of Fortifications acquired a rectangular tract of fifteen acres necessary for the new town gate, located just beyond the northern boundary of urban Charleston, and selected three of their own board members to personally superintend the project. The commissioners then directed one hundred soldiers, equipped with a sufficient number of wheelbarrows and spades, to begin digging the foundations of the Horn Work on the morning of Monday, November 14th.

During the initial weeks of labor in late 1757, the superintendents and soldiers apparently cleared the site of trees and obstructions, laid out the lines of the Horn Work on the ground, and then began to dig trenches for its foundations. The surviving records of this work do not mention the presence of Lieutenant Hess, but he likely attended and directed the effort in some capacity. As this preliminary work neared a conclusion in late December, the Commissioners of Fortifications hired Thomas Gordon, a well-known local bricklayer, to “conduct” the tabby work both in Charleston as well as at the new powder magazine in Dorchester, twenty miles away. To facilitate his dual management duties, the commissioners agreed to pay Gordon the large sum of £125 (South Carolina currency) per month on condition that he agreed “to furnish one man in Charles Town & another in Dorchester in his absence & himself to go from one to the other as he shall find it necessary.”[1]

To direct the enslaved laborers who would soon join the hired soldiers, the commissioners employed John Holmes to act as “overseer” or foreman of the work “on the North Line.” In addition, Holmes brought his son and another “white lad” to the site to act as his assistants, brought his own “Negro carpenter,” and included his own “boat & Negroes” in the bargain. For the duration of the Horn Work construction, from late December 1757 to the end of March 1759, Thomas Gordon periodically supervised the tabby work while John Holmes managed the daily labor force, the delivery of materials, and the job site in general.[2]

A large spike in payments for both labor and rum in early 1758 suggests that far more than one hundred British soldiers might have worked on the Horn Work during the first two months of that year, but the details are now lost. The labor agreement of October 1757 required the soldiers to work just six hours (half a day’s labor in the eighteenth century), so it’s possible that there were two shifts of one hundred soldiers working each day. Many continued laboring on Charleston’s “north line” until early March and others perhaps until early May, when the regiments under the command of Lt. Cols. Bouquet and Montgomery, respectively, boarded transport vessels that returned them to the northern colonies. Because the local government had agreed to provide every soldier with a gill of rum (a quarter of a pint) for each day’s work, the Commissioners of Fortifications paid for a total of ten hogsheads of rum (630 gallons) during their relatively brief term of service on the Horn Work.[3]

As a member of the Royal American regiment, Lieutenant Emanuel Hess was destined to depart Charleston with Lt. Col. Bouquet and the rest of the officers under his command. Before they set sail that spring, however, Governor Lyttelton advised the South Carolina legislature to consider rewarding the young engineer with “a proper recompense” for having “perform’d much good service in planning & directing the construction of the fortifications.” The governor also suggested they might offer Hess “a suitable allowance to make it worth his while to remain here,” but apparently the engineer could not be swayed. At his departure from Charleston in late March 1758, the commissioners authorized a payment of £1100.7.6 (South Carolina currency), representing approximately thirty-seven weeks of work at the rate of £30 a week.[4]

The surviving records of the Commissioners of Fortifications provide few details related to the progress of the Horn Work in 1758 and identify only a fraction of the men who labored on that project. Early in its construction, for example, the commissioners paid Peter Tamplatt and William Hall in separate accounts “for carpenter’s work on the North Works.”[5] The records do not specify the nature of their respective efforts, but they were probably supplying wooden forms or boxes used to shape the tabby mixture as it was poured. Later carpenters—free or enslaved—undoubtedly erected scaffolding as the walls grew above head height. To transport various materials to the job site, the commissioners purchased a sturdy wooden cart and at least two horses.[6] In the eighteen months between October 1757 and March 1759, the Commissioners of Fortifications purchased more than five hundred wheelbarrows from several local carpenters for the use of the laborers at both White Point and the Horn Work.[7]

Determining in the size of the enslaved labor force used to build the Horn Work is a task made difficult by the accounting methods used by the clerk of the Commissioners of Fortifications, but it’s possible to extrapolate some reasonable estimates. Between September 1755 and May 1759, the clerk recorded a series of monthly bulk payments for laborers employed on the fortifications of urban Charleston. Those payments rendered between December 1757 and April 1759 include monies for both the Horn Work and White Point combined into one sum. On just one occasion, in August 1758, the clerk separated the labor costs for each of the two projects. Of the approximately 203 enslaved men working on the fortifications that July, fifty-six, or slightly less than one-third the total number, were employed at the Horn Work. If we extrapolate this ratio to the rest of the construction calendar, we can estimate that between fifty and eighty enslaved men labored alongside the overseers and tradesmen at the Horn Work each month from January 1758 through early November of that year. Following a reduction of expenses in mid-November, the work was continued by a gang of twenty to thirty men through the end of March 1759.[8]

Oyster shells and the lime derived therefrom formed the principal ingredients of Charleston’s tabby Horn Work, but the surviving records of its construction provide very little information about the quantity of shells used to form its walls. The extant journal of the Commissioners of Fortifications, for example, notes the delivery of just 18,000 bushels of shells to the Horn Work, while the total quantity required for its construction was undoubtedly much higher. Similarly, just two contractors received payments for delivering lime to that job site a few occasions.[9] Rather than suggesting clerical neglect, the sparse documentation of these necessary materials appears to stem from cost-saving measures implemented by the commissioners at the outset of the project.

In mid-October 1757, just before the Horn Work project got underway, the Commissioners of Fortifications advertised their desire to receive immediately a large quantity of lime from local suppliers, for which they were prepared to pay “upon delivery on the works in Charles Town.” These initial supplies of lime at the job site might have been sufficient to sustain the tabby construction for several months. In the final weeks of 1757, the commissioners also purchased two pettiaugers (large sloop-rigged rowboats) manned by hired enslaved mariners, as well as two schooners commanded by hired white “patroons” and crewed by enslaved men.[10] The surviving records never clearly articulate the purpose of these four vessels, but the commissioners apparently intended their crews to gather oyster shells from nearby waters and deliver them directly to the laborers working at the Horn Work, White Point, and Fort Johnson on James Island. Some of those oysters were likely roasted and consumed by the workers before transforming the shells into tabby, and some of the shells might have been burned at or near the job site to produce the necessary lime.[11]

The Commissioners of Fortifications nearly described these customary practices in the summer of 1758 when they sought to curtail expenses. On June 15th, the commissioners informed Captain Robert Williams, then superintending tabby work at Fort Johnson, that funds for his project were running low. From that time he was “to keep only so many hands as will be necessary” to “work up the materials he has now on hand” and “for [the] making of lime for the works in Charles Town.” In the weeks and months that followed, Williams continued to produce lime for the Horn Work and to use the government-owned vessels to transport it across the harbor.[12]

One month later, the commissioners decided that they were paying too much for shells—and not always receiving the full measure—when they had occasion to purchase bulk quantities from private parties. On July 24th, 1758, they resolved to purchase no more shells and henceforth to rely solely on those supplied by the enslaved men working in the government-owned boats.[13] In short, there was little occasion to measure and count the volume of incoming oyster shells because the government generally did not pay for them. The foremen supervising the work simply deployed enslaved mariners to fetch from local waterways whatever quantity they required.

A year after the initial conversations about the need for a Horn Work to defend the northern approach to Charleston, the Commissioners of Fortifications met with Governor Lyttelton to review the progress of the town’s ongoing defensive works. On July 21st, 1758, the commissioners laid before the governor their accounts documenting payments to various tradesmen, managers, suppliers, and laborers. The governor was apparently pleased by their administrative efforts and continued to regard the various fortification projects across the South Carolina Lowcountry as necessary for public safety. Before concluding their meeting, the assembled gentlemen agreed “that the Horn Work at the north end of the town be constructed and compleated [sic] with the utmost expedition.”[14]

Nearly ten months after laborers commenced digging the foundation trenches of the Horn Work, its central curtain wall straddling the Broad Path (King Street) was apparently at or near a state of completion. Lieutenant Hess’s plan for this structure, which is now lost, apparently included a simple, unremarkable opening in the curtain wall to permit the flow of traffic in and out of Charleston. At least one member of the community objected to this simplicity, however, and sought to add distinction and prestige to the gateway into the capital of South Carolina. George Roupell, one of the Commissioners of Fortifications, was also known as a gentleman amateur with a talent for illustration. On September 7th, 1758, the commissioners’ clerk noted that “Mr. Roupell laid before this board a plan of a Gateway at the entrance into town through the Horn Work.” No copy or description of his illustrated plan is known to survive, but we might imagine that it was likely inspired by the neo-Classical architectural style then fashionable in both London and Charleston. Whatever its attributes or dimensions might have been, we know that the gentlemen of the board approved its design. The clerk recorded simply that the commissioners agreed to Mr. Roupell’s proposal, which they “ordered to be carried into execution.”[15]

The fact that the plan of the gateway was distinct from the plan for the rest of the Horn Work suggests that it included some features that were intentionally more ornamental than functional. Such a design would have been in keeping with a long tradition of decorative gateways attached to hundreds of defensive works built around the world from ancient times to the recent past. To emphasize the contrast with the surrounding tabby walls, George Roupell’s design might have incorporated locally-produced red bricks (commonly seen in colonial-era local construction), perhaps rendered in stucco and rough-cast to resemble stone. This possibility is strengthened by the fact that Thomas Gordon, the contractor supervising the tabby construction, received payment for both “brick work & attending the tappy work at the Horn Works” in the spring of 1759.[16]

The surviving physical remnants of the Horn Work foundation indicate that the curtain wall on the structure’s north side measured approximately three hundred and thirty feet (five chain, or one hundred meters) across, but the breadth of the opening forming the gateway is currently unknown. (It is possible, however, that some trace of it remains under the modern roadbed in the center of King Street.) Part of the general purpose of a horn work was to control the flow of traffic in and out of the town, so we can imagine that Mr. Roupell’s design did not provide a generous amount of access through Charleston’s gateway. Contemporary advice on the construction of fortified gates recommended a passageway just ten feet wide, or perhaps a bit more depending on the scale of the works in question. That recommendation might have prevailed in Charleston. On several occasions in the early 1770s, local grand juries complained that the narrowness of the passageway leading through the Horn Work was a constant source of frustration to travelers. Based on all of these facts, we might conclude that width of the passage was probably no more than ten or twelve feet across.[17]

Determining the height of the gateway is now a matter of some conjecture. The passageways through most horn works in Europe were framed by relatively simple pillars and generally lacked a covering or horizontal element.[18] As a relatively low “outwork” on the fringes of a fortified town, a textbook horn work was considered less important than the taller and more formal gate located within the town itself. Charleston had no other entrance gate in the 1750s, however, and George Roupell apparently felt the need to amend Emanuel Hess’s original design for this feature. It seems likely that he sought to create a visual frame for the intersection of tabby fort and sandy road, like a proscenium arch straddling a theatrical stage. We don’t know the height of the Horn Work’s northern curtain wall, but, for the sake of argument, we might conjecture that it stood approximately ten to twelve feet above the roadbed. Such a height would have created a square passageway, so I believe Roupell’s design probably extended slightly above the walls to create an upright rectangle that added visual distinction to the form. Rather than using a simple post-and-lintel construction to frame the town gateway, Mr. Roupell’s design likely included a variety of familiar neo-Classical elements such as pilasters, quoins, voussoirs, and some sort of arched or triangular pediment.

A pair of contemporary accounts seem to confirm that Charleston’s Horn Work included some sort of horizontal structure across the uppermost part of the gateway at least ten feet above the surface of the road. In his Memoirs of the American Revolution, General William Moultrie recalled galloping on horseback “through the gate” of the Horn Work as British soldiers approached Charleston in May 1779. One year later, on May 12th, 1780, Captain Johann Hinrichs recorded in his diary of the siege of Charleston that the British troops marching into the town passed “under the gate” of the Horn Work. From these descriptions, we can conclude that some sort of elevated horizontal feature bridged the opening of the gateway, and that horizontal feature was sufficiently high for a man on horseback to gallop underneath it.[19]

On September 21st, 1758, after more than a year of near constant activity, the Commissioners of Fortification observed that the pace of their work was slowing. They agreed to meet henceforth only twice a month, “as the business is less[e]ned.” The dwindling state of their funds no doubt played some part in reducing the flurry of construction around Charleston, but there were other, more distant factors that probably contributed to that change. In late July, British forces defeated a stubborn French defense of Louisbourg fortress on Cape Breton Island. In late August, British troops captured Fort Frontenac near Lake Ontario. News of these victories in the autumn of 1758 brought elation to the British subjects in South Carolina, as did news that British forces, including the 60th Regiment of Royal Americans, had captured the important French outpost at Fort Duquesne (now Pittsburgh) in late November. The tide of the war had clearly turned in Britain’s favor. The idea of French soldiers or sailors mounting a sophisticated assault anywhere along the southern coastline now became an increasingly remote possibility. At the same time, increasing disaffection among the Cherokee people on the western frontier soon drew South Carolina’s provincial government into an unexpected war with a long-time ally (see Episode No. 100).

On November 9th, 1758, the Commissioners of Fortifications agreed “to discharge all the boats on hire and lay up the two schooners” bringing shells and lime to the construction projects at White Point and the Horn Work. At the same time, they resolved to discharge all the laborers working on those projects, with the exception of a few hands at White Point and “except those employed in finishing the Gateway thro’ the Horn Work.” In early December, Governor Lyttelton assented to the sale of the two schooners and several horses that had been “bought some time ago for the use of the fortifications which are now of little or no use.”[20] On February 15th, 1759, the commissioners ordered John Holmes, overseer of the laborers at the Horn Work, “not to receive any more lime upon or for the use of the works now under your oversight.”[21] Finally, on March 28th, the commissioners agreed to discharge Mr. Holmes, “the overseer & Negroes on the Horn Work on Saturday next” (March 31st), and ordered Holmes to “secure all the tools &ca. belonging to the said work in the store [at White Point] & deliver an account of the same to the clerk of this board.”[22]

As the last workers collected their tools and prepared to quit the unfinished Horn Work in the spring of 1759, they might have reflected on the speed with which that structure had become obsolete. A broad new fortress to defend the northern entrance to Charleston had seemed so vitally important during the summer of 1757, but the events of less than two years’ time had rendered that structure utterly unnecessary, not even worthy of completion. The expenditure of more than £10,000 (S.C. currency) of local tax revenue had produced a towering mass of tabby and brick, stretching nearly seven hundred feet (over 200 meters) from east to west, that succeeded only in congesting the flow of traffic in and out of the provincial capital. South Carolina’s attentions turned to the bloody Cherokee frontier in the autumn of 1759. Further British victories at Quebec in September 1759 and at Montreal in September 1760 finally obliterated fears of French incursions into the Southern colonies. Peace formally arrived in 1763.[23]

After Lieutenant Hess sailed with his regiment from Charleston to Philadelphia in the spring of 1758, he joined General John Forbes on an expedition to dislodge French troops from Fort Duquesne at the forks of the Ohio River (now Pittsburgh). Hess never actively participated in that mission, however, as he was already sick when he arrived in Philadelphia. General Forbes sought Hess’s professional advice that June but noted that the lieutenant was “dying of a deep consumption.” Despite his failing health, Hess soldiered westward with his regiment to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, where he became too ill to continue. “I fear that I must give up all hope of making this campaign,” he wrote on September 20th, “and should even thank the almighty if he will restore me to health for the next one. My lungs are affected and the doctors, judging by the symptoms, find that the disease is already incurable.” The British expedition led by General Forbes, which included Brevet Brigadier General George Washington, accomplished its mission by capturing Fort Duquesne in late November 1758. But Lieutenant Hess was not present among the victors. He died at Lancaster on February 22nd, 1759, and was buried the next day “with all military honors and a great deal of economy.”[24]

The various fortifications in South Carolina designed by Emanuel Hess and other men during the turbulent 1750s were largely abandoned in the peaceful 1760s. The Horn Work guarded the northern entrance into Charleston during the American Revolution and until 1784, during which time some locals described it as the old “royal works.” The origin of that name is unclear, but I can think of at least two possibilities. It might stem from the fact that it was the only fortification in Charleston designed by a member of the royal army, and for which members of the royal army participated in its construction. Alternatively, it’s possible that George Roupell’s design for the gateway of the Horn Work included Britain’s royal coat of arms in some form. In either case, it’s especially ironic that this “royal work” later served as the citadel for an army of American rebels fighting to repel a royal siege. After nearly twenty years of neglect, the Horn Work was revitalized in the late 1770s to play an important role during the American Revolution. In a manner of speaking, it lived on to fight another day, and its story continues.

[1] South Carolina Department of Archives and History (hereafter SCDAH), Journal of the Commissioners of Fortifications, 1755–1770 (hereafter JCF), 22 December 1757. Gordon had already been working on the tabby wall at Dorchester without a formal contract, so his appointment to that job in late 1757 was retroactive (the Dorchester work was largely finished by 1758). He received payments “for attending the tappy work” and “setting the boxes” on the Horn Work on 6 April 1758, 14 September 1758, 12 October 1758, and 5 April 1759.

[2] JCF, 29 December 1757. On 16 March 1758, Holmes received £52 for two months work (£26 per month). On 18 May, however, the commissioners agreed to pay Holmes £40 per month retroactively, “in consideration of his having his son & another white lad to assist him, and his Negro carpenter often employed in his trade.” On 7 September, the commissioners agreed to pay them £52 per month “in consideration of John Holmes [his] extraordinary diligence and his son doing full duty as an overseer & giving constant attendance.” This arrangement continued through the end of October or early November, after which time the labor force diminished and Holmes’s salary returned to £40 per month (see 7 December 1758). On 4 January 1759, however, Holmes received £46 for the month of December, £6 of which was for his son’s work. John Holmes received a final payment of £40 on 5 April 1759, for wages due 3 April.

[3] See the expenses listed in JCF, 2 February and 2 March 1758, which suggest that more than 400 laborers (including soldiers) were divided between the Horn Work and the fortifications at White Point in February 1758. On 9 and 23 February 1758, the commissioners paid the firm of Ogilvie & Ward and William Banbury each for five hogsheads of rum “for the soldiers employed on the new Works” and “for the labourers on the North Line” Fitzhugh McMaster, Soldiers and Uniforms: South Carolina Military Affairs, 1670–1775 (Columbia: South Carolina Tricentennial Commission, 1971), 59.

[4] Terry W. Lipscomb, ed., The Journal of the Commons House of Assembly, October 6, 1757–January 24 1761 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press for the South Carolina Department of Archives and History, 1996), 137 (18 March 1758) JCF, 22 March 1758.

[5] JCF, 19 January 1758, 13 April 1758.

[7] JCF, 6 October 1757, 17 November 1757, 2 February 1758, 20 April 1758, 27 April 1758, 15 March 1759.

[8] The use of hired enslaved laborers for government construction projects in Charleston was very common before 1865, and the paper trail of the practice is voluminous the standard rate of pay in the colonial period was £0.7.6 (currency) per day. See, for example, Episode No. 73. My labor estimates are based on data collected from the Journal of the Commissioners of Fortifications, a full discussion of which fills multiple pages. Until I have occasion to publish my conclusions and methodology in a fuller form, I remain confident that my estimates are reasonable and sound.

[9] See shell payments to Daniel Crawford, John Holmes, Colonel Robert River in the Journal of the Commissioners of the Fortifications, 13 July 1758, 3 August 1758, 17 August 1758 and payments for lime to Robert Rivers and then to Jonathan Scott “for the North Works” on 5 January 1758, 8 June 1758, and 20 July 1758.

[10] Journal of the Commissioners of Fortifications, 27 October 1757, 12 November 1757, 1 December 1757, 22 December 1757.

[11] John Ioor, for example, proposed to burn shells very near the Dorchester construction site to save money on cartage see JCF, 23 June 1757, 19 September 1757, 13 April 1758.

[12] JCF, 15 June 1758, 22 June 1758, 1 September 1758.

[13] JCF, 2 March 1758, 24 July 1758, 1 September 1758.

[15] Governor Lyttelton appointed Roupell to serve as a commissioner for constructing Fort Lyttelton in September 1757 and appointed him to the board of Commissioners of Fortifications on 2 March 1758 he drew profiles of the platforms and embrasures of the Port Royal fort for the commissioners in September 1758 see JCF, 10 September 1757, 16 March 1758, 7 September 1758. For a discussion of Roupell’s famous illustration of “Mr. Peter Manigault and his Friends,” ca. 1760, see Anna Wells Rutledge, “After the Cloth Was Removed,” Winterthur Portfolio 4 (1968): 47–62.

[17] See grand jury presentments in South Carolina and American General Gazette, 20–27 April 1770 South Carolina Gazette, 24 May 1773 South Carolina Gazette, 3 June 1774. John Muller, A Treatise Containing the Practical Part of Fortification (London: Millar, 1755), 193–94, recommended a bread of ten feet for most gateways, while larger and more formal gates might be slightly wider.

[19] William Moultrie, Memoirs of the American Revolution, volume 1 (New York: David Longworth, 1802): 425 Bernhard A. Uhlendorf, ed. and trans., The Siege of Charleston. With an Account of the Province of South Carolina: Diaries and Letters of Hessian Officers from the von Jungkenn Papers in the William L. Clements Library (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1938), 291.

[20] JCF, 9 November 1758, 7 December 1758. Note that a third schooner and boat delivering materials to Fort Johnson continued in service until April 1759.

[21] JCF, 15 February 1759. This day also includes the “proceeds of the sales of two schooners & 3 horses sold at vendue.”

[23] It’s impossible to reconstruct the total cost of constructing the Horn Work in 1757–59, but the amount was certainly over ten thousand pounds South Carolina currency. On 13 April 1758, the Commissioners of the Fortifications noted that their funds were “reduced to about thirty thousand pounds currency,” and resolved to spend “ten thousand pounds of it in securing the Horn Work on the north of Charles Town and the other supply of twenty thousand pounds on the works at White Point.”

Johann Ewald

Portrait of Johann Ewald by C. A. Jensen after H. J. Aldenrath circa 1835.

For Johann Ewald, the defeat of the British army under General Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown represented the culmination to seven years of government folly. He agreed with the famous military theorist, Baron Carl von Clauswitz, that war was an extension of politics, and that any government “in which there are no soldiers among the ministers” of state, was doomed to calamity in war. Such was the fate of the “finest and most valiant army” under the command of such a splendid officer as Lord Cornwallis. The disaster resulted from the “absurd rules established . . . in which no plan was followed” against a people “who could have been stamped to the ground in the first year” of the conflict. Johann later mused how “the fate of entire kingdoms often depends upon a few blockheads and irresolute men.”

Johann Ewald was born in Hesse-Cassel on March 30, 1744 to Georg Heinrich and Katharina Elisabeth Breithaupt Ewald. Georg was a bookkeeper, and hoped that his son might choose a non-military profession. Yet in 1760 at the age of sixteen, Johann enlisted in the Infantry Regiment Gilsa as a Cadet. His regiment was then under the command of Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick, who led the German troops opposing the French during the Seven Years’ War (1756-1763). In 1761 Johann’s regiment was reassigned to the Count of Buckeburg, who, ironically, besieged Hesse-Cassel. On March 4, 1761, Johann was struck by a musket ball in his right leg above his knee. His quick return, however, did not go unnoticed, and Johann soon rose to the rank of Ensign.

After the end of the Seven Years’ War, Johann’s regiment was reduced, but he kept his commission. His fortunes improved in 1765 when he was transferred to the elite Guards at Cassel. In 1766, at the age of twenty-two, he was promoted to Second Lieutenant.

Unfortunately, Johann’s lack of noble birth forced him out of the Guards in 1769. Tragedy struck him a year later when he lost his left eye in a duel. After his recovery Johann studied military science at the Collegium Carolinum under Jakob von Mauvillon. Johann produced his first military treatise in 1774, afterwhich his military career progressed steadily.

Promoted to Captain in the Liebjager Corps in 1774, he drilled his troops in his theories on “partisan warfare.” Jager troops were elite “light infantry” armed with rifles, which fired much further and were more accurate than muskets. They carried swords, not bayonets they were usually supported by Regular Light Infantry in case of an enemy bayonet attack. Jagers served as mounted and foot soldiers, and were thus well suited to Johann’s theories on the importance of improvisation, deception, ambush, and reconnaissance on the battlefield using detached groups of well-disciplined troops (a modern-day equivalent would be the U.S. Army Rangers.) Johann’s jagers were often used as the vanguard in an attack, or as the rear guard in a retreat.

“The Hessians held up at Trenton are earned as prisoners of war in Philadelphia” by Daniel Berger, published 1784.

When military recruitment for the American war lagged in England in 1776, Parliament decided to hire foreign auxiliaries. Johann’s company came under the command of Lieutenant General von Knyphausen, and in June 1776, he left Germany for New York. Upon their arrival in America, his company joined General Lord Cornwallis’s pursuit of Washington’s Continental Army through New Jersey. However, it soon seemed obvious to Johann that General William Howe, the British commander-in-chief, did not really want Cornwallis to capture Washington, or to press a general attack on the Americans. Instead of defeating Washington “the enemy was pulled in all directions and nowhere driven by force.” For Johann, this proved the linchpin to the eventual British defeat, for in trying to end “the war amicably, without shedding the blood of the King’s subjects in a needless way,” the British ensured that “all was lost, when it was desired to preserve all.” American Loyalist Joseph Galloway seethed, “I see, they [British] don’t want to finish the war!” Johann agreed that “every honest man must think” the same.

Hessian fortunes turned worse at the Battle of Trenton on December 26, 1776. The battle marked George Washington’s first victory as commander of the Continental Army, and eliminated the myth of German invincibility. Trenton was not fortified, nor did Colonel Rall, the commanding officer at the post, send out regular patrols. Johann ranked the lack of patrols as the primary reason for the Hessian defeat, commenting that if jagers had “patrolled diligently . . . on the morning when Washington crossed the Delaware, the enemy would have been discovered.” Johann saw significant action in the campaigns of 1777-1778. At the Battle of Brandywine he led the attack on Washington’s flank at Jeffrie’s Ford, and at the Battle of Monmouth his jagers helped to save the British baggage on the retreat to New York. Although not present at the Battle of Germantown, Johann, not surprisingly, heaped praise upon British Colonel Musgrave. The British officer borrowed from the tactics of partisan warfare by placing his regiment in Benjamin Chew’s country estate in order to defend the Germantown Road. The tactics pleased Johann, who commented that “this example of a single brave and intelligent man, through whom the entire English army was saved, shows what courage and decision in war can do.”

A map depicting the plan of action for the 1777 Battle of Bound Brook by Johann Ewald circa 1777.

After the treaty with France in 1778, Johann’s jagers were transferred to the South. Once again under the command of General Lord Cornwallis, they took part in the siege of Charleston. Johann criticized British Major Moncrief’s plan to take the city, and held that while Moncrief succeeded at Charleston, he “would not capture a dovecot in a European war.” The subsequent British campaign through the Carolinas struck Johann as absurd. He questioned “Why not operate out of one point and use all our force there to be the master of at least one province?” All the British strategy accomplished was to make “people miserable by our presence. . . yet we still want to find friends in this country!” At the Battle of Yorktown, Johann’s jagers could do little against the incessant artillery fire of the American and French batteries. By this final battle Johann had developed a respect for American persistence. He asked “with what soldiers in the world could one do what was done with these men, who go about naked and in the greatest privation?” His conclusion was that “what an enthusiasm–which these poor fellows call “Liberty”–can do! Who would have thought . . . that out of this multitude of rabble would arise a people who could defy kings?”

Depiction of Hessian grenadiers by Charles Lefferts, early 20th c.

After the war, Johann published his Abhandlung Ober den kleinen Kreig (Treatise on Partisan Warfare, 1785) which became an immediate military classic. Twenty-five years later, Carl von Clauswitz and Gerhard von Scharnhorst still recommended Johann’s book as an important treatise on the use of light infantry. However, Johann’s lack of noble birth continued to plague his career. Despite exemplary service, he had not been promoted from Captain after thirteen years. When he was passed over again in 1787, he reluctantly offered his service to Frederick VI of Denmark who accepted him immediately. Johann was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, and placed in command of the Schleswig Jager Corps.
In 1788, Johann married Susanne Ungewitter of Cassel, with whom he had a son and four daughters, and in 1790, he was elevated to the Danish nobility. His career continued to progress steadily in the Danish Army, as he became a Colonel in 1795 and a Major General in 1802. During the French Revolution, Denmark maintained its neutrality until the British bombarded and captured Copenhagen in 1807. This forced Denmark into an alliance with Napoleon. In 1809, when Ferdinand von Schill revolted against French domination of Prussia, Johann’s jagers proved decisive in defeating the rebels on May 31, 1809. Johann was promoted to Lieutenant General that day, and was later appointed a commander in the Dutch Order of Union, and an Officer in the French Legion of Honor. Johann finally retired from active duty on May 1, 1813, and died on June 25, 1813 at the age of sixty-nine. He was revered in Denmark, and was celebrated for decades after his death as a national hero.

Primary Source Documents: Johann Ewald

The following passages are taken from Joseph P. Tustin, trans., Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal, by Captain Johann Ewald, Field Jager Corps (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979), and Robert A. Selig and David Curtis Skaggs, trans., Treatise on Partisan Warfare, by Johann Ewald (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991).

On pursuing an enemy from Ewald’s “Treatise on Partisan Warfare”:

. . . If one is fortunate enough to defeat the enemy at such an opportunity in a divided, mountainous or wooded area, one can not be careful enough on the pursuit . . . Since one can not see too far ahead in such an environment, one can easily fall into an ambush . . . For example, if Colonel Simcoe had pursued the American corps, which had been beaten back near Spencer’s Planation near Williamsburg in Virginia another quarter of an hour through the :thicket, it would have been supported by the army of the Marquis de Lafayette . . . and the whole detachment of Colonel Simcoe would certainly have been lost.

On ambushing an enemy from Ewald”s “Treatise on Partisan Warfare”:

. . . In order to achieve this [ambush] you place your infantry at a certain distance before your post to the side of the road that the enemy has to take. Your cavalry you place between the ambush of your infantry and your own post. The former will let the enemy pass quietly and then follow him at a distance, whence they will try to give well-aimed fire into the back of the enemy. This will have to be the sign for the cavalry to break out from their ambush and to use the disorder of the enemy and to cut down whoever puts up resistance. This way the Indians of the Stockbridge nation, which constantly lay before our outposts and harassed them, fell into an ambush . . . hardly one of the Indians escaped with his life to tell what happened to his fellow warriors. Since even their chief Sachem Ninham and his son lost their lives in this, this nation became so intimidated that it lost all inclination to send again fresh troops to the army of General Washington. . .

On the disaster at Trenton, from Ewald’s Diary:

the 29th [December 1776] . . . Thus had the times changed! The Americans had constantly run before us. Four weeks ago we expected to end the war with the capture of Philadelphia, and now we had to render Washington the honor of thinking about our defense. Due to this affair at Trenton, such a fright came over the army that if Washington had used this opportunity we would have flown to our ships and let him have all of America . . .
This great misfortune, which surely caused the utter loss of the thirteen splendid provinces of the Crown of England, was due partly to . . . the jager detachment . . . posted at the Dickinson house near Trenton. Had [the jagers] patrolled diligently . . . on the morning when Washington crossed the Delaware, the enemy would have been discovered . . . Thus the fate of entire kingdoms often depends upon a few blockheads and irresolute men.

On the recall of General Howe, from Ewald’s Diary:

The 15th [April 1778) Yesterday a frigate arrived from England carrying express for the Commander in Chief which recalled him to England and appointed Sir Henry Clinton to commanding general . . . The ship also brought the pleasant news for the entire army that Lord Cornwallis had sailed from England at the same time.
The ship brought a proposal from the London Court for a compromise which they wanted the Congress to approve according to the Act of 1763. I therefore talked with various inhabitants, who were half and half. These people assured me that they would never agree to peace without independence . . . Moreover, they maintained that the alliance with France was as good as completed, to which the capture of Burgoyne’s army had contributed a great deal. . .

During the campaign against Charleston, from Ewald’s Diary:

The 25th (March 1780) . . . A noncommissioned officer of the enemy party, who ventured ahead beyond all daring, was shot in the belly and captured. I asked him why he had behaved so rashly. – “Sir, Colonel Washington promised me that I would become an officer right away, if I could discover whether the jagers were supported by infantry and had cannon with them, because if not, he would try to harass the jagers.”
He begged me to ask the surgeon whether his wound was mortal, and when he heard that it was he quietly lay down like a brave man, clasping his hands, saying: “Well, then, I die for my country and for its just cause’.”
Captain Hinrichs handed him a glass of wine. He drank it down with relish, and died like a man. . .

Questioning an American Patriot on Loyalty, from Ewald’s Diary:

29th [March 1780] . . . [I] asked him why he had given his son into the services of the rebels and not into the service of the King.
“For the entire war we have been kept under the mandate of the Congress, and not the slightest help appeared from the King’s party, on which the loyal subjects–whose number was not small–could have depended . . .”
I shrugged my shoulders, assented to all this in my heart, appreciated the sincerity of this man, and permitted him to return quietly to his home. . .

On the British campaign in North Carolina, from Ewald’s Diary:

[April 23, 1781] . . . What use to us are the victories and the defeats of the enemy at Camden and Guilford? We now occupy nothing more in the two Carolina provinces than Charlestown, Wilmington, and Ninety-Six. In these areas, we hold no more ground than our cannon can reach.–Why not operate out of one point and use all our force there to be the master of at least one province? What good are our victories which have been so dearly bought with our blood? We have made people miserable by our presence . . . yet we still want to find friends in this country!

On the British forces in Virginia, from Ewald’s Diary:

[June 21, 1781] On the 21st the entire army departed from Richmond . . . I cannot deny that the extremely numerous baggage of the army set me to wondering, for I was not yet used to such a cavalcade. The army appeared similar to a wandering Arabian or Tartar horde . . . Any place this horde approached was eaten clean, like an acre invaded by a swarm of locusts . . .

On General Cornwallis’s Defeat at Yorktown, from Ewald’s Diary:

[December 8, 1781] . . . This disaster, the capture of the army under Lord Cornwallis, will give the Opposition Party in England enough impetus to carry through its plan to give up the dominions in North America. This is the result of the absurd rules established during the war in which no plan was followed. The enemy was only pulled in all directions and nowhere driven by force, whereby all was lost, when it was desired to preserve all . . . And this, indeed, against a people who were no soldiers, and who could have been stamped to the ground in the first year. . . Such a calamity must be incurred by every state in which there are no soldiers among the [government] ministers . . .

On his visit to West Point after the war in 1783:

[October 22, 1783]. . . What touched me most strongly and profoundly, and led me into deep reflection for several minutes, were three light 3-pounders which looked as simple as a Quaker. They had been cast at Philadelphia, were the first cannon in the American army, and had comprised their entire field artillery in the first and second campaigns. I became totally lost in my meditations as I tried to imagine the American army in its wretched condition, such as we had often encountered it during the year 1776 . . . On the other side I tried to envisage the splendid and formidable army of the English . . . But they were put to such poor use that eight campaigns were lost, followed by thirteen provinces, which, in a word, had torn down the Crown of England . . .

Johann Prechtel, A Hessian Officer’s Diary of the American Revolution (1994).
Bruce Burgoyne, Enemy Views: The American Revolutionary War as Recorded by the Hessian
Participants (1996).
Edward Lowell, The Hessians and the Other German Auxiliaries of Great Britain in the
Revolutionary War (2002).

Charleston Diary of Captain Johann Hinrichs - History

Joseph P. Tustin Papers

Color sketch of a jäger captain by Colonel Harry Larter, Jr.

An uncolored version is featured on the jacket of Tustin's book.

Boxes 1-7 and large folder found in compact shelving diaries and maps in the University Archives vault

Note: Copies of EWALD: DIARY OF THE AMERICAN WAR (E268.E9 213) are found in both the Andruss Library General Collection and in Special Collections.

Description of collection

Includes Obituary of Joseph P. Tustin postcard of former Tustin home in Bloomsburg Press-Enterprise article (July 29, 1987) about Tustin gift and Capt. Ewald photocopy of piece regarding Tustin mansion photocopies of title page, copyright C.I.P. page, Contents, Illustrations, Preface, Acknowledgments, and Introduction to Ewald's Diary of the American War and photocopies of correspondence relating to appraisal of Tustin gift certificates/ affidavit re ownership of diaries.

Slides, negatives and illustrations used in publication

Illustrations of Ewald used in Diary, colored representation of book jacket illustration, illustration of Kosciusko & Soult

Correspondence related to publication of the diary (2 folders), 1972-82

Receipts and correspondence concerning the diary, 1957-78

Typescripts (in English) of biography of Ewald written by his son

Notes on Ewald's son and great grandson

Correspondence and research material, 1946-80

Correspondence with Donald Londahl-Smidt, 1977-84

Notes used in preparation of Diary (1958-1972)

"Pennsylvania Soldier" - Von Donop's Report

Banscroft Collection Hessian No. 5 Feldzug der Hessian nach Amerika von Ewald

Misc. articles, typescripts and correspondence thereto including Arnold in Virginia MSS 1781

Ewald's letters to Jeanette Van Horne

Notes, correspondence, and materials in preparation of Diary

Red notebook of maps, illustrations, photos, and information used in study of Ewald and in preparation of Diary. Notebook
is entitled Captain Johann Ewald, Diary of the American War, 1776-1784, Illustrations.

Red notebook of the draft of the original Vol. III of Ewald's diary. It is entitled Ewald Diary Vol. 3.

Misc. Items related to J.P.T.'s American history interests

Black scrapbook (11" x 13") of postcards, photos, and other information about North Africa, France , and Italy.

Compiled by J.P.T. during his wartime duty, 1943-45.

Black scrapbook (11" x 13") of postcards, photos, and other information about Rome, Italy. Compiled by J.P.T. during his
wartime duty (1943-45)

Publication The Naval Reserve Dec. 15, 1917

Publication The Naval Reserve May 15, 1918

Publication The Naval Reserve April 30, 1918

Photocopy Asbury Park Evening Press Dec.2, 1918 ( article re Tustin's Service in France)

3 articles re naval service in France W.W. I

CCC Sixth District Gazette June 1, 1935

Material from time of J.P.T.'s Army Air Force and Air Force career in Germany in W.W. II and Postwar period includes:

Print of Town of Hammelburg

Drawing of J.P.T.'s travels in W. Germany

Historical Research Center, U.S.A.F.

Photo (10" x 14") of Kaiser Wilhelm (W.W. I era)

Poster (12.5 " x 18") for Diary

In University Archives Vault

Digital copies of the original color maps from Ewald's Diary can be found at the following site: The Captain Johann von Ewald Diaries

Charleston Diary of Captain Johann Hinrichs - History

The British launched its Southern strategy by beginning a siege of Charlestown, South Carolina on March 28th. The siege lasted until May 9th when British artillery fire was close enough to set the town on fire and force a surrender soon thereafter, on May 12th. A perception continued among the British that the South was full of Loyalists just awaiting the call from the British, who were now here.

At the end of December in 1779, General Sir Henry Clinton succumbed to this view and headed south with a small army. His goal was to capture Charlestown, South Carolina - now that Savannah had been successfully taken by the British of East Florida. General Clinton approached steadily, personally arriving opposite Charlestown on April 1st. Three days earlier, on March 28th, his army began a classic European siege. The British dug siege trenches ever closer to the wall of the city. Day-by-day, week-by-week, the British got ever closer to the walls of the city.

In the meantime, both sides exchanged artillery fire, the Patriots trying to make the British task as difficult as possible, while the British hoped to terrify the Americans into submission. By the beginning of May, the British had advanced within a few feet of the Patriot lines. Their artillery fire was soon becoming deadly and on May 9th many of the wooden houses in Charlestown were set on fire by the galling artillery fire.

The city elders had enough and requested that the Patriot commander Major General Benjamin Lincoln surrender, which he did. The British victory in Charlestown was pyrrhic. There was no popular uprising and instead South Carolina degenerated into a period of chaos with guerilla-style combat in the outlying areas. The first "civil war" in American began.

The British captured more than 5,500 Patriots and themselves lost about 250 killed and wounded. Carelessness caused a massive explosion of 180 barrels of captured powder and somewhat marred the victory. Neither General Clinton nor the American commander, Major General Benjamin Lincoln, displayed any inspiring leadership. When General Clinton learned of an impending French expedition, he determined that he should be in New York, and Lt. General Charles, Lord Cornwallis assumed command of British forces in the South. Major General Benjamin Lincoln was sent to Philadelphia on parole to await a formal exchange. On April 2nd, siege works were begun about 800 yards from the American fortifications. During the first few days of the siege, the British operations were under heavy artillery fire. On April 4th, they built redoubts near the Ashley and Cooper Rivers to protect their flanks. On April 6th, a warship was hauled overland from the Ashley River to the Cooper River to harass crossings by the besieged to the mainland. On April 8th, the British fleet moved into the Harbor under fire only from Fort Moultrie.

On April 12th, General Sir Henry Clinton ordered Lt. Col. Banastre Tarleton and Major Patrick Ferguson to capture Moncks Corner, which was a crossroads just south of Biggins Bridge near the Santee River. SC Brigadier General Isaac Huger was stationed there with 500 men under orders from Major General Benjamin Lincoln to hold the crossroads so that communications with Charlestown would remain open. On the evening of April 13, 1780, Lt. Col. Tarleton gave orders for a silent march. Later that night, they intercepted a messenger with a letter from Brigadier General Isaac Huger to Major General Benjamin Lincoln and thus learned how the Patriots were deployed at Moncks Corner. At three o'clock in the morning on the 14th, the British reached the American post, catching them completely by surprise and quickly routing them. Following the skirmish, the British fanned out across the countryside and effectively cut off Charlestown from outside support.

South Carolina Governor John Rutledge left Charlestown on April 13th (some sources say he didn't leave until May 10th). On the 21st, a parlay was made between Lincoln and Clinton, with Lincoln offering to surrender with honor. That is, with colors flying and marching out fully armed, but General Clinton was sure of his position and quickly refused the terms. A heavy artillery exchange followed. On April 23rd, Lt. Gen. Charles, Lord Cornwallis crossed the Cooper River and assumed command of the British forces blocking escape by land. Finally on April 24th, the Americans ventured out to harass the siege works. The lone American casualty was Thomas Moultrie, brother of Brigadier General William Moultrie. On April 29th, the British advanced on the left end of the canal that fronted the city's fortifications with the purpose of destorying the dam and draining the canal.

The Patriots knew the importance of that canal to the city's defenses and responded with steady and fierce artillery and small arms fire. By the following night, the British had succeeded in draining some water. By May 4th, several casualties had been sustained and the fire had been so heavy that work was often suspended. On the 5th, the Patriots made a counter-move from their side, but by the 6th, almost all of the water had drained out of the heavily damaged dam and plans for an assault began.

On that same day, May 6th, Fort Moultrie surrendered. On May 8th, General Clinton called for unconditional surrender from Major General Lincoln, but Lincoln again tried to negotiate for honors of war. On May 11th, the British fired red-hot shot that burned several homes before Lincoln finally called for parlay and to negotiate terms for surrender. The final terms dictated that the entire Continental force captured were prisoners of war. On May 12th, the actual surrender took place with Major General Lincoln leading a ragged bunch of soldiers out of the city.

When word reached the backcountry, Brigadier General Andrew Williamson and Col. Andrew Pickens at Ninety-Six and Col. Joseph Kershaw at Camden, all surrendered themselves to the British. Williamson and Pickens were given parole, but Kershaw was seized and later taken to Honduras.

The British acaptured 311 artillery pieces, 9,178 artillery rounds, 5,916 muskets, 33,000 rounds of small arms ammunition, 212 hand grenades, 15 Regimental Colors, 49 ships, and 120 boats, plus 376 barrels of flour and large magazines of rum, rice, and indigo in the surrender of Charlestown.

The captured Patriot muskets were brought to the powder magazine inside the city. A Hessian officer warned that some of the muskets may be loaded, but he was ignored. One went off and 180 barrels of powder exploded. Almost immediately, an estimated 5,000 muskets in the magazine discharged simultaneously. About 200 people were killed and six houses were destroyed, including a poorhouse and a brothel. Thirty British soldiers, including Capt. Collins and Lt. Gorder of the Royal Artillery and Lt. Alexander McLeod of the 42nd Regiment of Foot were killed in the blast. A Hessian artillery officer was also killed.

The senior officers including Major General Benjamin Lincoln were eventually exchanged for British officers in Patriot hands. For all others in the Continental army, a long stay on prison boats in Charlestown Harbor was the result, where sickness and disease would ravage them. The defeat left no Continental Army in the South and the country wide open for British taking. Even before Lincoln surrendered, the Continental Congress had already appointed Major General Horatio Gates to replace him and Gates was soon marching southward.

The British quickly established outposts in a semi-circle from Georgetown to Augusta, Georgia, with positions at Camden, Ninety-Six, Cheraw, Rocky Mount, and Hanging Rock in between. Parole was offered to backcountry Patriots and many accepted. Soon after securing Charlestown, General Sir Henry Clinton gave command of the Southern Theater to Lt. Gen. Charles, Lord Cornwallis and on June 5th, General Clinton sailed north back to New York.

General Clinton's one order to Lord Cornwallis before he left, was to maintain possession of Charlestown above all else. Lord Cornwallis was not to move into North Carolina if it would jeopordize this holding. General Clinton also ordered that all militia and civilians be released from their parole. But in addition, they must take an oath to the Crown and be at ready to serve when called upon by His Majesty's government. This addition angered many of the locals and led to many deserting or ignoring the order and terms of their original parole.

Charlestown was now "pacified" by the British. It would be over one year before many Patriots would venture into what is now Charlestown County to irritate the British forces that had complete control of the town and surrounding area. With such a presence in and around the Charlestown area, the armed conflict was taken elsewhere, and the locals remained quite passive under British rule, which was not all that onerous. With its great port facilities, the British could readily re-supply its commanders in the field from Charlestown - but, the outlying sections of the State were quickly becoming not all that friendly to the wagon trains heading out of town.

Over the next year and a half, the Patriots turned the tide and brought the fight back to the British in Charlestown. With the tide turning all over the thirteen states, the British finally realized that the colonies were lost, and even the fighting in and around Charlestown subsided. As expected, Charlestown was the last location to be surrendered in South Carolina and the British left quietly on December 14, 1782. The surviving Patriots entered right behind them, and began building a new nation. Click Here for a plan depicting the defenses of Charlestown in early 1780 prepared by the French.

Known Patriot Participants

Known British Participants

Major General Benjamin Lincoln - Commander

SC Continental Brigade led by Brigadier General William Moultrie, Lt. Col. William Massey - Deputy QM General. Major Andrew Dellient, Capt. Richard Beresford (Aide-de-Camp)

SC 1st Regiment led by Col. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Lt. Col. William Scott, Major Edmund Massinbird Hyrne, Major William Jackson, Major Thomas Pinckney, with 231 men in the following twelve (12) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Levaliet de Sainte-Marie
- Capt. Joseph Elliott, with 23 men
- Capt. Thomas Gadsden
- Capt. William Hixt
- Capt. Charles Lining, with 25 men
- Capt. Richard Pollard, with 9 men
- Capt. Charles Skirving
- Capt. Simeon Theus, with 18 men
- Capt. George Turner, with 18 men
- Capt. Isaac Weatherly
- Capt. John Williams
- Capt. John Williamson

Pulaski's Legion of Infantry led by Major Chevalier Pierre-Francois Vernier with the following four (4) known companies, led by:
- Capt. James de Segon
- Capt. Frederick Paschke
- Capt. Monsieur O'Neil
- Capt. Joseph Baldesqui

SC 2nd Regiment led by Lt. Col. Francis Marion (injured before city surrendered), then led by Col. Isaac Motte, Major Isaac Child Harleston, Major John Vanderhorst with 266 men in the following fourteen (14) known companies, led by:
- Sgt. Maj. Alexander McDonald (Colonel's Company), with 29 men
- Capt. Jesse Baker
- Capt. Thomas Dunbar
- Capt. Henry Gray
- Capt. Thomas Hall
- Capt. John Martin
- Capt. Richard Mason, with 23 men
- Capt. Archibald McDaniel
- Capt. Thomas Moultrie, with 22 men
- Capt. William Moultrie, Jr.
- Capt. John Postell
- Capt. Albert Roux, with 22 men
- Capt. Thomas Shubrick, with 21 men
- Capt. George Warley, with 26 men

SC 3rd Regiment (Rangers) led by Lt. Col. William Henderson, Lt. Col. William Cattell, with 302 men in the following eighteen (18) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Jefferson Baker
- Capt. Jesse Baker, with 15 men
- Capt. John Buchanan, with 17 men
- Capt. William Caldwell
- Capt. John Donaldson
- Capt. Field Farrar, with 15 men
- Capt. Thomas Farrow
- Capt. Uriah Goodwin, with 19 men
- Capt. William Goodwyn
- Capt. David Hopkins
- Capt. George Liddell, with 17 men
- Capt. Robert Lyle
- Capt. Hugh Milling
- Capt. John Carraway Smith
- Capt. Oliver Towles
- Capt. Felix Warley, with 24 men
- Capt. Joseph Warley, with 16 men
- Capt. Richard Winn

NC Continental Brigade led by Brigadier General James Hogun with the following three (3) known regiments:

1st NC Regiment led by Col. Thomas Clark and Major John Nelson with 260 men in the following eleven (11) known companies:
- Colonel's Company - Capt.-Lt. James King with 50 men
- Lt. Colonel's Company - Capt.-Lt. Thomas Callender, with 35 men
- Major's Company - Maj. John Nelson, with 44 men
- Capt. Joshua Bowman (killed), with 64 men
- Capt. Tilghman Dixon, with 44 men
- Capt. Griffith John McRee, with 46 men
- Capt. Joseph Montford
- Capt. James Read, with 46 men
- Capt. John Sumner, with 40 men
- Capt. Howell Tatum, with 45 men

2nd NC Regiment led by Col. John Patten, and Lt. Colonel Selby Harney, with 244 men in the following eight (8) known companies:
- Colonel's Company - Capt. John Craddock
- Lt. Colonel's Company - Capt.-Lt. Charles Stewart, with 27 men
- Major's Company - Lt. John Daves, with 26 men
- Capt. Thomas Armstrong, with 22 men
- Capt. Benjamin Andrew Coleman, with 29 men
- Capt. Robert Fenner, with 22 men
- Capt. John Ingles with 28 men
- Lt. Jesse Read (Capt. Clement Hall's Company), with 27 men

3rd NC Regiment led by Lt. Col. Robert Mebane and Major Thomas Hogg, with the following five (5) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Kedar Ballard, with 25 men
- Capt. George "Gee" Bradley, with 35 men
- Capt. Francis Child
- Capt.-Lt. William Fawn with 34 men
- Capt. Philip Taylor

SC Corps of Light Infantry led by Lt. Col. John Laurens, Major William Hazzard Wigg, Major Hardy Murfee (NC), with 175 men and the following one (1) known company, led by:
- Capt. Joseph Montford

2nd VA Brigade led by Col. Richard Parker in the following detachments:

1st VA Detachment led by Lt. Col. Samuel Hopkins with 258 men in the following four (4) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Alexander Parker, with 72 men
- Capt. Benjamin Taliaferro, with 69 men
- Capt. Tarleton Payne, with 68 men
- Capt. Beverly Stubblefield, with 48 men

2nd VA Detachment led by Col. William Heth and Lt. Col. Gustavus Wallace with 323 men in the following four (4) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Thomas Buckner, with 84 men
- Capt. Lawrence Butler, with 77 men
- Capt. Thomas Holt, with 76 men
- Capt Robert Beale, with 83 men

Detachment of the 1st and 3rd Continental Dragoons led by Capt. Robert Yancey with 31 men

Armand's Legion of Horse and Foot led by "Unknown Captain" with 4 men

GA Regiment of Horse Rangers led by Col. Leonard Marbury with 41 men

GA Continental Officers led by Col. John White with 6 officers

NC Light Infantry led by Lt. Col. Archibald Lytle with 202 men in the following seven (7) known companies, led by:
- Capt. James Carrington (Orange) (POW)
- Capt. Alexander Harvey (Edgecombe) (POW)
- Capt. James Johnson (Bladen) (POW)
- Capt. George Lemmon (Guilford) (POW)
- Capt. Lipham (Orange) (POW)
- Capt. John George Lowman (Anson) (POW)
- Capt. Barnet Pulliam (Granville) (POW)

NC Light Dragoons Regiment detachment led by Col. Francois DeMalmedy (sent on special mission, not captured), Major Cosmo Medici, Major Thomas Harris, and the following four (4) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Samuel Ashe (POW)
- Capt. Robert Council (POW)
- Capt. William Gill (POW)
- Capt. James Osborn (POW)

Brigade of Artillery led by Col. Barnard Beeckman with 391 guns in the following breakdown:

SC 4th Regiment (Artillery) led by Lt. Col. John Faucheraud Grimke with 93 men in the following batteries:

Number 1 Battery - Capt. James Wilson with 10 guns

Number 2 Battery - Capt. Harman Davis with 6 guns

Number 3 Battery - Capt. John Francis DeTreville with 3 guns, along with a detachment of the SC 2nd Regiment consisting of three (3) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Richard Bohun Baker, with 30 men
- Capt. Daniel Mazyck, with 26 men
- Capt. Adrian Proveaux, with 20 men

Number 4 Battery - Capt. Barnard Elliott with 2 guns along with a detachment of the SC 2nd Regiment of one (1) known company, led by:
- Capt. Peter Gray, with 22 men

Number 5 Battery - Capt. John Wickly with 6 guns

Number 6 Battery - Capt. Richard Brooke Roberts with 4 guns

Number 7 Battery - Capt. Andrew Templeton with 4 guns

Number 8 Battery, Number 9 Battery, Number 15 Battery - Major Ephraim Mitchell with 8 guns

Number 10, 11, 12 13, 14 Batteries led by Major Thomas Grimball

Capt.-Lt. John Shivers Budd - location unknown

Capt.-Lt. James Fields - location unknown

Capt.-Lt. John Francis Gorget - location unknown

Capt. James Mitchell - location unknown

Capt. William Mitchell - location unknown

Capt. James Wilson - location unknown

Charlestown Battalion of Artillery, Hornwork Battery - Capt. Thomas Heyward, Jr. with 26 men

Charlestown Battalion of Artillery, 2nd Independent SC Artillery Company - Capt. Edward Rutledge

Charlestown Battalion of Artillery, 6th Independent SC Artillery Company, Gibbes Wharf Battery - Capt.-Lt. William Hassell Gibbes with 7 guns and with Capt. Edmund Arrowsmith and Continental Marines

Charleston Bombardiers, Mortar Battery - Capt. Francis Troin

NC Artillery, Capt. John Kingsbury and Capt.-Lt. Philip Jones, with 64 men

VA State Artillery Regiment, Half Moon Battery - Col. Thomas Marshall with 100 men

Cambray's Battery - Lt. Col. Louis Jean Baptiste Cambray (Continental Army) with 2 guns

Continental Frigate Boston , Broughton's Battery - Capt. Samuel Tucker with 20 guns.

Continental Sloop Providence , Exchange Battery - "Unknown Captain" with 14 guns

Charles Town District Regiment detachment, James Island Company, Hornwork Battery - Capt. Benjamin Stiles with Lt. John Garden

Charles Town District Regiment detachment, Company of Cannoneers led by Major Joseph Darrell with 167 men in the following batteries:

Liberty Battery - "Unknown Captain" with 6 guns

Lauren's Wharf Battery - "Unknown Captain" with 10 guns

Craven's Governor Bridge Battery - "Unknown Captain" with 7 guns

Lyttleton's Battery - "Unknown Captain" with 12 guns

Continental Marines' Grenville Battery - Capt. Richard Palmes with 8 guns

American Engineer Corps led by Brigadier General Louis le Begue de Presle Duportail with 7 men and Col. Jean Baptiste Joseph de Laumoy, Lt. Col. Chevalier Luigi de Cambray-Digny, Major J. Ferdinand Debraham, Capt. Jacob Shriver, and 600 slaves used in digging earthworks

1st Brigade of SC Militia, led by Brigadier General Stephen Bull with the following units:

Beaufort District Regiment of Militia detachment led by Lt. Col. Robert Barnwell, Major John Barnwell, with two (2) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Robert Barnwell
- Capt. Victor Daniel DeSaussure

Charles Town District Regiment of Militia led by Col. Maurice Simons, Lt. Col. John Harleston, Major Joseph Parker, with two battalions:

1st Battalion, led by Lt. Col. Agers, Lt. Col. Roger Moore Smith, Major John Baddeley, Major James Bentham, with 302 men in the following nine (9) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Peter Bocquet
- Capt. Archibald Brown
- Capt William Fraser
- Capt George A. Hall.
- Capt. Thomas Heyward, Sr.
- Capt. William Lee
- Capt. William Livingston
- Capt. John Raven Matthews
- Capt. John McQueen

2nd Battalion, led by Lt. Col. John Huger, Lt. Col. Abel Kolb, Major John Gilbank, Major Thomas Grimball, Jr., with 485 men in the following ten (10) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Francis Kinlock
- Capt. Richard Lushington
- Capt. William Mills
- Capt. Edward North (or Edward Worth)
- Capt. Jacob Read
- Capt. Archibald Scott
- Capt. Daniel Strobel
- Capt. Richard Todd
- Capt. Anthony Toomer
- Capt. Sims White - Artillery

Granville County Regiment of Militia (SC) detachment, led by Col. Benjamin Gardin, with two (2) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Lewis Bona
- Capt. William Maynor

Colleton County Regiment of Militia (SC) detachment, led by Col. William Skirving, Lt. Col. Isaac Hayne, with one (1) known company. led by:
- Capt. Benjamin Matthews

Berkeley County Regiment of Militia (SC) detachment, led by Col. Thomas Skirving, Lt. Col. Hugh Horry, with two (2) known companies, led by:
- Capt. John Gaillard
- Capt. Theodore Gaillard

2nd Brigade of SC Militia, led by Brigadier General Richard Richardson, Capt. Alexander Colcoclough, with the following units:

Camden District Regiment of Militia detachment led by Lt. Col. Eli Kershaw, Lt. Col. Robert Goodwin, Lt. Col. James Postell, Lt. Col. Richard Singleton, Major Robert Crawford, with the following eight (8) known companies, led by:
- Capt. William Cantey
- Capt. John Chesnut
- Capt. Hugh Coffee
- Capt. Henry Coffey
- Capt. John Cook
- Capt. John Robertson
- Capt. John Starks
- Capt. Willis Whitaker

Fairfield Regiment of Militia detachment of four (4) known companies, led by:
- Capt. William Charnock
- Capt. John Nixon
- Capt. John Pearson
- Capt. Anderson Thomas

1st Spartan Regiment of Militia detachment led by Col. John Thomas, Jr., with two (2) known companies, led by:
- Capt. John Ford
- Capt. Major Parson

2nd Spartan Regiment of Militia detachment of three (3) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Daniel Duff
- Capt. William Grant
- Capt. Joseph Hughes

New Acquisition District Regiment of Militia detachment led by Col. Samuel Watson, with three (3) known companies. led by:
- Capt. Samuel Adams
- Capt. Hugh Bratton
- Capt. John McClure

3rd Brigade of SC Militia, led by Col. Andrew Pickens with the following units:

Upper Ninety-Six District Regiment of Militia detachment, led by Col. Andrew Pickens, Lt. Col. Robert McCreery, with three (3) known companies, led by:
- Capt. John Cowan
- Capt. John Irwin
- Capt. John Norwood

Lower Ninety-Six District Regiment of Militia detachment of four (4) known companies, led by:
- Capt. James Butler, Sr.
- Capt. John Carter
- Capt. James Moore
- Capt. William Smith

Lower District Regiment of Militia detachment led by Col. Robert Starke, with one (1) known company, led by:
- Capt. John Walters

Little River District Regiment of Militia detachment led by Col. James Williams, with three (3) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Benjamin Kilgore
- Capt. John Neilson
- Capt. John Rogers

Orangeburgh District Regiment of Militia detachment of one (1) known company, led by:
- Capt. Aaron Little

4th Brigade of SC Militia, led by Brigadier General Alexander McIntosh, with the following units:

Cheraws District Regiment of Militia detachment of two (2) known companies, led by:
- Capt. George King
- Capt. Elisha Magee

Georgetown District Regiment of Militia detachment led by Col. Robert Herriott, Major Alexander Swinton, with one (1) known company, led by:
- Capt. James Gregg

Lower Craven County Regiment of Militia detachment led by Col. Hugh Giles, with three (3) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Francis Davis
- Capt. Joseph Graves (or Joseph Greaves)
- Capt. John Porter

Upper Craven County Regiment of Militia detachment led by Col. George Hicks, Major Tristram Thomas, with six (6) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Thomas Cockran
- Capt. Thomas Ellerbee
- Capt. Edmund Irby
- Capt. Edward Ivey
- Capt. Maurice Murphy
- Capt. William Prestwood

Kingstree Regiment of Militia detachment led by Col. Archibald McDonald, with five (5) known companies, led by:
- Capt. William Benison
- Capt. John James
- Capt. Francis Lesesne
- Capt. James McCauley
- Capt. John McCauley

NC Brigade of Militia commanded by Col. Henry William Harrington and Lt. Col. John Donaldson with the following units:

NC 1st Regiment of Militia [name for convenience only] led by Col. John Hinton, Jr., Lt. Col. Thomas Wooten, Major Philip Love, and Major Jonathan Dunbibin, with the following nine (9) known companies, led by:
- Capt. William Cray (Onslow County Regiment)
- Capt. Elias Fort (Duplin County Regiment)
- Capt. Joseph Grimes (Duplin County Regiment)
- Capt. Richard Hewett (Tyrrell County) (POW)
- Capt. Kenan Hubbard (Duplin County Regiment)
- Capt. Hugh Johnson (Tyrrell County) (POW)
- Capt. Samuel Porter (Bladen County) (POW)
- Capt. Joseph Wood (Bladen County Regiment)
- Capt. Samuel Wood (Bladen County Regiment)

NC 2nd Regiment of Militia [name for convenience only] led by Col. John Sheppard, Lt. Col. John Lowry, and Major James Shepherd, with the following nine (9) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Arent (Nash County Regiment)
- Capt. John Batts (Edgecombe County Regiment)
- Capt. Frederick Bell (Edgecombe County Reg)
- Capt. George Faulkner (Pitt County Regiment)
- Capt. Benjamin Kitchen (Nash County Regiment)
- Capt. Matthew McCullers (Johnston County Reg)
- Capt. James Pearce (Craven County Regiment)
- Capt. Richard Ransom (Franklin County Regiment)
- Capt. Jacob Turner (Halifax County Regiment)
(This regiment was stationed 8 miles north of Charlestown and not captured at the surrender).

NC 3rd Regiment of Militia [name for convenience only] led by Col. Andrew Hampton, Lt. Col. Frederick Hambright, Lt. Col. Robert Lanier, and Major Ben Heannis, with the following eighteen (18) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Robert Alexander (Rutherford County Reg)
- Capt. Richard Allen (Wilkes County Regiment)
- Capt. John Brandon (Rowan County Regiment)
- Capt. Jacob Camplin (Surry County Regiment)
- Capt. Nathan Clifton (Montgomery) (POW)
- Capt. Jacob Collins (Mecklenburg) (POW)
- Capt. Joseph Collins (Lincoln County Regiment)
- Capt. John Cowper (Richmond) (POW)
- Capt. David Crawford (Rowan) (POW)
- Capt. James Crawford (Rowan) (POW)
- Capt. John Donaldson (Richmond) (POW)
- Capt. Enoch Enochs (Rowan) (POW)
- Capt. Gabriel Enochs (Rowan County Regiment)
- Capt. O. Gordon (Wilkes County Regiment)
- Capt. Samuel Martin (Lincoln County Regiment)
- Capt. Isaac Ralston (Guilford County Regiment)
- Capt. Simmerson (Mecklenburg) (POW)
- Capt. William Wilson (Rowan) (POW)

NC 4th Regiment of Militia [name for convenience only] led by Col. Hugh Tinnen, Lt. Col. Thornton Yancey, and Lt. Col. Stephen Moore, with the following seven (7) known companies, led by:
- Capt. William Cage (Chatham) (POW)
- Capt. Nathaniel Christmas (Orange) (POW)
- Capt. Richard Christmas (Orange) (POW)
- Capt. William Harden (Caswell) (POW)
- Capt. Howell Lewis (Granville)
- Capt. Howell Rose (Granville) (POW)
- Capt. Adam Sanders (Caswell)

VA Militia led by "Unknown Commander" in the following units:

Amelia County (VA) Militia with four (4) known companies, led by:
- Capt. William Fitzgerald
- Capt. Jones
- Capt. Robert
- Capt. William Worsham

Capt. Louis-Antoine Magallon de le Morliere led a French Company with 43 men, and a Spanish Company with 42 men. Capt. Joseph Gardon claims he led the 2nd Company of Foreign Residents.

Continental Navy led by Commodore Abraham Whipple

Sloop Ranger with 20 guns - Capt. Thomas Simpson with Lt. William Morris and 35 Continental Marines

Frigate Queen of France with 28 guns - Capt. John Peck Rathbun with Capt. Edmund Arrowsmith and 50 Continental Marines

Sloop Providence with 32 guns - Capt. Hoysteed Hacker with Lt. Robert Davis and 16 Continental Marines.

Frigate Boston with 30 guns - Capt. Samuel Tucker with Capt. Richard Palmes and 50 Continental Marines

Sloop L'Aventure with 26 guns - Capt. J. Courannat

Sloop Truite with 26 guns - Capt. James Pyne

Poleacre Zephyr with 18 guns - Lt. de Vaisseau

Frigate Bricole with 44 guns - Capt. Thomas Curling and an unknown number of the Charles Town militia

Schooner General Moultrie with 20 guns - Capt. George Melvin

Brig Notre Dame with 16 guns - Capt. William Sisk

Galley Marquis de Britigney with 7 guns - Capt. Charles Crawley

Galley Lee with 4 guns - Capt. Marshall Boetis

Galley Revenge with 7 guns - Capt. George Farragut Patriot Reinforcements that arrived on April 8, 1780:

1st VA Brigade, led by Brigadier General William Woodford, with the following three (3) known regiments:

VA 1st Regiment led by Col. William Russell and Lt. Col. Burgess Ball, with 336 men in nine (9) known companies, led by:
- Capt. William Bentley
- Capt. Mayo Carrington
- Capt. Thomas Hunt
- Capt. William Johnston
- Capt. Custis Kendall
- Capt. Callohill Minnis
- Capt. Holman Minnis
- Capt. William Moseley
- Capt. James Wright

VA 2nd Regiment led by Col. John Neville, Lt. Col. Nicholas Cabell, and Major David Stephenson, with 306 men in four (4) known companies, led by:
- Capt. John Blackwell
- Capt. James Curry
- Capt. LeRoy Edwards
- Capt. John Stith

VA 3rd Regiment led by Col. Nathaniel Gist with 252 men in six (6) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Joseph Blackwell
- Capt. Alexander Breckinridge
- Capt. John Gillison
- Capt. Abraham Hite
- Capt. Francis Muir
- Capt. Clough Shelton Total Patriots Engaged - 6,577 Capt. Hugh Godwin - POW, Regiment Unknown

Capt. William Richardson - POW, Regiment Unk

General Sir Henry Clinton - Commander

Lt. Gen. Charles, Lord Cornwallis - 2nd in Command

British Regulars led by Brigadier General Alexander Leslie with the following breakdown:

Light Infantry and Grenadiers:

1st Battalion of Light Infantry led by Lt. Col. Robert Abercromby with 640 men in the following companies:

7th Regiment of Foot (Royal Fusiliers) Light Infantry Company - Capt. James W. Baille

22nd Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. William Raymond

33rd Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. William Gore

37th Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. Eyre Coote

42nd Regiment of Foot (Royal Highlanders) Light Infantry Company - Capt. George Dalrymple

54th Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. Eyre Power Trench

63rd Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. Bent Ball

70th Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - "Captain Unknown"

74th Regiment of Foot (Argyll Highlanders) Light Infantry Company - Capt. Campbell of Balnabie

2nd Battalion of Light Infantry led by Lt. Col. Thomas Dundas with 637 men in the following companies:

23rd Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. Lionel Smythe

38th Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. St. Lawrence Boyd

43rd Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. Charles MacLean

57th Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. James Graham

64th Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. William Snow

76th Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. James Fraser

80th Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. John Hathorne

84th Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Capt. Ronald MacKinnon

1st Battalion of Grenadiers led by Lt. Col. Henry Hope with 611 men in the following companies:

7th Regiment of Foot (Royal Fusiliers) Grenadier Company - Capt. Walter Home

17th Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. George Phillip Hooke

23rd Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. Thomas Peter

33rd Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. Hildebrand Oakes

37th Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. Kenneth McKenzie

38th Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. Matthew Millet

42nd Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. John Peebles

43rd Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. John Hatfield

2nd Battalion of Grenadiers led by Lt. Col. John Yorke with 526 men in the following companies:

22nd Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. Henry Elwes

54th Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. Stephen Broomfield

57th Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. James Dalrymple

63rd Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - "Captain Unknown"

64th Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. Thomas Freeman

70th Regiment of Foot Grenadier Company - Capt. Thomas Dunbar

74th Regiment of Foot (Argyll Highlanders) Grenadier Company - Capt. Ludovick Colquhoun

Royal Regiment of Artillery led by Major Peter Traille with 200 men in the following three (3) battalions:
- 3rd Battalion, Number 1 Company, Capt. Thomas Johnson
- 3rd Battalion, Number 6 Company, Maj. Peter Traille
- 4th Battalion, Number 1 Company, Number 2 Company, Number 3 Company, Number 4 Company, Number 5 Company, and Number 8 Company - Capt. Robert Collins (killed after the surrender)

Hesse-Kassel Artillery - Unknown Captain

Slaves Employed in the Artillery - 154

Royal Navy Artillery led by Capt. George Keith Elphinstone in the following batteries:

Fort Johnson Battery with 3 guns

Fenwick Point Battery with 10 guns

Number 2 Battery with 13 guns - Capt. Evans

Number 6 Battery with hot shot - Capt. Lawson

Number 7 Battery with 21 guns - Ensign Abbot

Corps of Guides and Pioneers led by Col. Beverly Robinson with the following four (4) known companies, led by:
- Capt. John Aldington, with 20 men
- Capt. Francis Fraser's Company - Lt. John Stark, with 7 men
- Capt. McAlpine's Company - Lt. Benedict Eli, with 27 men
- Capt. Peter McPherson, with 18 men

Brigade of Engineers led by Major James Moncrieff

Black Pioneers - Capt. Allen Stewart

Clarke's Brigade led by Lt. Col. Alured Clarke with the following breakdown:

7th Regiment of Foot (Royal Fusiliers) - Lt. Col. Alured Clarke with 463 men

23rd Regiment of Foot (Royal Welsh Fusiliers) - Lt. Col. Nisbet Balfour and Major Thomas Mecan with 400 men

Webster's Corps led by Lt. Col. James Webster with the following breakdown:

33rd Regiment of Foot - Major William Dansey with 450 men

Hesse-Kassel Feld Jäeger Korps - Lt. Col. Ludwig Johan Adolph von Wurmb with 224 men, including Major Phillip von Wurmb and Capt. von Rau.

2nd Company - Capt. Johann Ewald with 80 men

Lawson Swivel Guns - Capt. Johann Hinrichs with 2 men

III Feld Jäeger Regiment Anspach-Beyreuyth - Capt. Friedrich Wilhelm von Röder with 46 men

Huyn's Brigade led by Major General Johann Christoph von Huyn in the following breakdown:

63rd Regiment of Foot - Major James Wemyss with 400 men

64th Regiment of Foot - Major Robert McLeroth with 350 men, including Capt. Peter Russell

Hesse-Kassel Garrison Regiment von Benning led by Col. Friedrich von Benning and Lt. Col. Franz Kurtz, with the following officers:
- Maj. Johann Philip Hillebrand
- Capt. Heinrich Sonneborn
- Capt. Reinhard Heilmann
- Capt. Dietrict Reinhard

60th Regiment of Foot (Royal Americans), 2nd Battalion - Capt. Benjamin Wickham with 45 men

Hesse-Kassel Garrision Regiment von Wissenbach led by Lt. Col. Fredrich von Porbeck.

Hessian Grenadiers led by Major General Henrich Julius von Kospoth with the following battalions:

1st Battalion - Lt. Col. Otto Wilhelm von Linsingen with 350 men

2nd Battalion - Col. Von Lengercke with 360 men

3rd Battalion - Col. Friedrich Heinrich von Schuter with 365 men

4th Battalion - Major Wilhelm Graff with 450 men

Provincials (Loyalist Militia) led by Col. Edmund Fanning of the King's American Regiment with

167 men, including the following officers:
- Lt. Col. George Campbell - Lt. Colonels' Company
- Major James Grant
- Capt. Isaac Atwood
- Capt. Thomas Chapman
- Capt. Robert Gray
- Capt. John William Livingston

British Reinforcements from Georgia led by Brigadier General James Patterson - totalling 1,750 men:

British Regulars led by Lt. Col. Alexander McDonald of the 71st Regiment of Foot (Fraser's Highlanders) in two battalions:

1st Battalion - Unknown commander, with Capt. Norman McLeod and 378 men

2nd Battalion - Major Archibald McArthur with 491 men

Light Infantry led by Major Colin Graham in the following companies:

16th Regiment of Foot Light Infantry Company - Major Colin Graham with 126 men

71st Regiment of Foot Light (Fraser's Highlanders) Infantry Company - Capt. Hutchinson with 117 men

New Jersey Volunteers, 3rd Battalion Light Company - Capt. Peter Campbell

17th Regiment of Light Dragoons - Capt. William Henry Talbot with 73 men.

Brigade of Engineers - Black Pioneers led by Capt. Angus Campbell with 20 men plus 186 slaves

Provincials led by Lt. Col. Banastre Tarleton with the following companies:

British Legion Infantry - Major Charles Cochrane with 287 men

British Legion Cavalry - Lt. Col. Banastre Tarleton with 211 men

American Volunteers led by Major Patrick Ferguson with 335 men in the following five (5) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Abraham DePeyster
- Capt. Charles McNeill
- Capt. James Dunlap
- Capt. Samuel Ryerson
- Capt.-Lt. Frederick DePeyster

SC Royalists led by Col. Alexander Innes with:

1st Battalion led by Lt. Col. Joseph Robinson in the following seven (7) known companies, led by:
- Colonel's Company - Capt.-Lt. Charles Lindsay
- Lt. Col. Joseph Robinson with 36 men
- Capt. Faight Risinger with 39 men
- Capt. John York's Company - Lt. Francis Fralis with 43 men
- Capt. Robert Pearis with 38 men
- Capt. Martin Livingston with 49 men
- Capt. Levi Youman with 52 men

2nd Battalion led by Lt. Col. Evan McLauren in the following two (2) known companies, led by:
- Lt. Col. McLauren's Company - Lt. David Black with 55 men
- Capt. John Murphey with 60 men

Royal NC Regiment led by Lt. Col. John Hamilton with the following three (3) known companies, led by:
- 1st Company - Lt. John Martin
- 2nd Company - Maj. Nicholas Welsh
- 3rd Company - Capt. Daniel Manson

GA Loyalists led by Major James Wright with 32 men

GA Dragoons led by Capt. Archibald Campbell with 40 men

NY Volunteers led by Lt. Col. George Turnbull, with Major Henry Sheridan, Capt. William Johnston, and Capt. Bernard Kane

Reinforcements from New York arriving on April 18, 1780:

Col. Max von Westerhagen - Commanding Officer

42nd Regiment of Foot (Royal Highlanders) led by Lt. Col. Duncan McPherson with two battalions:

1st Battalion led by Major Charles Graham

2nd Battalion led by Lt. Col. Duncan McPherson

Hesse-Kassel Fusiler Regiment von Dittfurth led by Col. Max von Westerhagen, with Major Ernst von Bork, Capt. Wilhelm von Malsburg, and Capt. Heinrich Hugo Scheffer

Prince of Wales American Regiment led by Lt. Col. Thomas Pattinson with 334 men

Queen's Rangers led by Lt. Col. John Graves Simcoe with 200 men in the following ten (10) known companies, led by:
- Capt. Stair Agnew
- Capt. James Kerr
- Capt. John McKay - Highland Company
- Capt. Robert McCrea
- Capt. John McDill - Grenadier Company
- Capt. William Moncrief
- Capt. James Murray
- Capt. John Saunders
- Capt David Shank - Wickham's Hussars
- Capt. Francis Stephenson - Light Infantry Company

Volunteers of Ireland led by Col. Francis, Lord Rawdon, with the following ten (10) known companies, led by:
- Lord Rawdon's Company - Capt.-Lt. David Dalton with 39 men
- Lt. Col. Wellbore Ellis Doyle with 43 men
- Capt. William Barry with 51 men
- Capt. William Blacker with 45 men
- Grenadier Company - Capt. John Campbell with 55 men
- Capt. John Doyles' Company - Ensign Marcus Ransford with 50 men
- Capt. Charles Hasting's Company - Ensign Edward Gilborne with 45 men
- Capt. James King with 50 men
- Capt. John McMahon with 45 men
- King's Orange Rangers - "Unknown" Capt.

Royal Naval Forces commanded by Vice Admiral Mariot Arbuthnot:

HMS Europe - Capt. Willaim Swiny, with 500 men and 64 guns. [Nominally Arbuthnot's flagship, probably reamined in Port Royal Sound until Charlestown was secured.]

HMS Raisonable - Capt. Henry Francis Evans, with 500 men and 64 guns.

HMS Renown - Capt. George Dawson, with 350 men and 50 guns.

HMS Romulus - Capt. George Gayton, with 280 men and 44 guns.

HMS Rainbow - Capt. John Kendall, with 350 men and 44 guns.

HMS Roebuck - Capt. Sir Andrew Snape Hamond to 16 May 1780, then Capt. Andrew Snape Douglas (namesake and nephew of Hamond), with 280 men and 44 guns. [Flagship of Arbuthnot during the siege.]

HMS Blonde - Capt. Andrew Barkley, with 220 men and 32 guns.

HMS Perseus - Honorable Capt. George Keith Elphinstone, with 20 guns.

HMS Camilla - Capt. John Collins, with 160 men and 20 guns.

HMS Raleigh - Capt. James Gambier, with 220 men and 32 guns.

HMS Virginia - Capt. John Orde, with 200 men and 28 guns.

HMS Richmond - Capt. Charles Hudson, with 220 men and 32 guns.

HMS New Vigilant - Capt. Thomas Goldesbrough, with 160 men and 22 guns

HMS Germaine - Lt. John Mowbrary, with 125 men and 20 guns.

HM Armed Galley Comet - Lt. John McKinley, with 7 guns and 40 men.

HM Armed Galley Scourge , Lt. William Smith.

HM Armed Galley Vindictive , Lt. Tylston Woollam.

HM Armed Galley Viper , Acting Lt. Thomas Chambers.

There were approximately ninety (90) transports in this expedition, not all of them currently known, except for:

HMS Apollo - Capt. John Adamson

HMS Silver Eel - Thomas Moore, Master

HMS Aeolus - Anthony McFarlane, Master

Total British Naval Forces - 4,500

[Royal Navy manpower identified above is the "established" or authorized manning. Most ships were undermanned, so the number is certainly the top end.]

Charleston Diary of Captain Johann Hinrichs - History

The Life of Johann August Sutter
by Douglas S. Watson

IN the German Grand Duchy of Baden, at Kandern, there was born on the last day of February, 1803, to a Swiss family named Suter a male child who, though baptized Johann August, became known in after life as Captain John A. Sutter.

No figure in the swift moving story of the West has been more loosely written about. He has been dramatized, caricatured, idealized. By some he has been raised to the heights of a superman by others lowered to the status of a befuddled drunkard. The truth regarding Sutter is seldom spoken. He was an adventurer a planter of civilization in the wilderness, and through his efforts alone was due the Discovery of Gold in California, the results of which peopled the former Spanish and Mexican province with Americans who laid the foundations of our present day commonwealth.

Sutter, picturesque adventurer German born Swiss, American, Mexican, and again American by successive naturalizations, was the victim of circumstances which would have overwhelmed men of the most resolute fibre--circumstances which tossed him about as viciously as if caught in the grip of angry, swirling waters.

At 31 a bankrupt, he fled his creditors, leaving his wife Anna Dubelt Sutter and their four children in Burgdorf, Switzerland. Reaching New York he determined to seek fortune in the then Far West, there to retrieve his failure. The Indiana backwoods were unkind to one whose hands had never held an ax, and he moved on to the Missouri frontier.

Then followed an essay into land speculation at St. Charles, which proved disastrous. An attempt to establish himself as a trader into Santa Fe proved unfruitful, and he finally was cast up in 1838 in that great entrepot of the fur trade--St. Louis.

There began his Odyssey which led him to the Wind River, to the Hudson's Bay Company's Fort Vancouver on the Columbia, to the tropical delights of Honolulu, and then by way of Sitka, at length, to California.

Sutter was an amiable man, quick to make friends, eager to leave upon all a good impression. Though poor in pocket, he was rich in imagination. A fictitious portrait of his past he painted with gusto for the delectation of his listeners. The tale of his military career as officer of the Swiss Guards of Charles X of France was so often repeated that finally its author almost came to believe it. The self-bestowed title of Captain sat easily upon his braced shoulders and gave credence to his assumed martial bearing.

Here is a letter received from a descendant of the Captain. It has to do with this much disputed point in Sutter's eventful career.

Officials of Hudson's Bay Company, prominent residents of Honolulu, Russians in high places at Sitka, accepted the genial adventurer at his face value and gave him contributions to the precious packet of letters of introduction and recommendations he later used to so great advantage. Like a snow-ball this sheaf of credentials grew it laid the foundations for his monumental scheme of exploitation of the Sacramento waste-lands and so impressed Governor Juan Bautista Alvarado, when the wanderer reached California in the summer of 1839, that there was granted to him eleven square leagues of virtual sovereignty where the Rio de los Americanos flowed into the Sacramento River and all this at the mere price of abandoning his recently acquired American citizenship for Mexican overlordship.

With a handful of followers, mostly Kanakas, he began his New Helvetia settlement. His successful handling of the savage Indians, and a slow accretion in numbers of adventurous spirits like himself, pulled him through those first years when success hung in the balance. With the building of his Fort and the increase in immigration from the United States, the future of his establishment became assured. His ready geniality provided what he needed. Herd-owning Dons sold him cattle and horses on credit. Indians cleared, sowed and harvested his grain fields. From wild grapes, his distillery made a famous brandy. Beaver and land otter skins were bartered for necessities, and with native military acumen, his fort was garrisoned with savages drilled into something more than a semblance to soldiery, and, as he remarks in a note on the muster roll reproduced at the end of this volume, commanded in German.

From being a nobody, Sutter with the years found himself a person of consequence, a man even governors of California were glad to have as friend.

The Russians, who had exhausted the fur possibilities of their establishments at Bodega and Fort Ross, decided to abandon California and were looking for a buyer. Sutter presented himself. He had no money, yet he would buy and he did, on credit. Among the moveables he obtained--for the Russians had no title to the land--were herds of cattle, bands of horses, droves of sheep and swine, and, best of all, a schooner the lord of New Helvetia rechristened "Sacramento." This extended his military adjuncts, for it provided him with a navy, and made him as independent of the existing government as any medieval baron. In truth he was Lord of the Marches, for to his other activities he had added the coinage of money, even if it was tin money pieces of that metal stamped with figures denoting its value and which he accepted in trade at his Fort.

At length his pseudo-title of Captain became real, for Manuel Micheltorena, the new governor Mexico had sent to California, feeling the need of adequate military support, called Sutter to him at Monterey and made him captain of Mexican militia. In return for this recognition, Sutter later came to the Governor's aid when that official was beset with revolt. The disastrous campaign of 1845, while it ousted Micheltorena, found Sutter with a second grant of land--this time of 22 square leagues in extent. Such was his situation when the American flag was raised over California by Commodore John Drake Sloat at Monterey, July 7, 1846.

Where once the Mexican tri-color had floated over Sutter's Fort, now the Stars and Stripes snapped in the breeze. Fremont and his enlarged survey crew were in possession, and the Lord of New Helvetia found himself again on American soil, but as an unbidden guest in his own establishment. The command of his Fort was given into the hands of Edward M. Kern, the artist of Fremont's survey party, and Johann August Sutter by authority of the letter of August 16, 1846, quoted here, became a lieutenant of the land forces of the United States:

Sutter's stipend was fixed at $50.00 a month, and as second in rank he did much of the "paperwork" of the "post" where formerly he had been monarch of all he surveyed.

Sutter's life was never monotonous. The path of his career led over high mountains and into deep valleys. The ups and downs ever found him buoyant an optimist whose eyes were scanning the horizon for the first signs of the dawn of a new day.

Back again in command of his Fort after the occupation period, his mind turned to schemes of aggrandizement. He sat at the crossing of two highways of immigration that from the East by way of the Great Salt Lake, and the road leading down from Oregon. To his distillery, a tannery had been added, and now he planned a great flour mill to supply the steady stream of new-comers trudging westward to the promised land--California.

A sawmill was necessary. The oaks of the valley and the jack pines of the nearby foothills did not make good lumber, and so a search for a stream which might turn a mill was undertaken one that flowed through timber suitable for his purpose. A mill-wright named James Wilson Marshall from New Jersey found what was wanted a forest of tall pines bordering the south fork of the American river. Marshall and Sutter entered into a partnership. The mill was started, Mormon workmen, honorably discharged soldiers of Lt. Col. Philip St. George Cook's Mormon battalion, camped at mill site, known later as Coloma.

Marshall's discovery of those first golden flakes January 24, 1848 in the race of Sutter's sawmill started the mad scramble after quick riches that history calls the "Gold Rush." California, Sutter and Gold became household words the world over. What had been a precarious foothold in the wilderness a short nine years before, now took on the prominence of a metropolis. Sutter's Fort became the mecca toward which the eager feet of all gold seekers turned.

The onrush of the race for wealth was like the letting loose of the pent-up waters of a mighty torrent. It swept everything before it. Sutter's wealth in cattle disappeared his fort was turned into a thriving mart his Indians and white employees deserted him. He was left bewildered, and sought refuge on the banks of the Feather River where he possessed what he called Hock Farm.

Just one more high spot was destined to mark his career. Upon the call of the American military governor, Gen. Bennet Riley, for a Constitutional Convention to formulate an organic law for California, Sutter was chosen as a delegate. Through the long sessions of this gathering at Monterey in September and October of 1849 Sutter sat in silence, save on one notable occasion. A proposal had been advanced that only those residents who had brought their families with them to California should be given the franchise. Then it was that Johann August Sutter rose in his place. "That would deprive me of my vote, though I have been long in California," he protested plaintively. For during all those years since 1834 Anna Dubelt Sutter and their children had remained in far off Switzerland. Soon Sutter was to send for them.

When the convention ended its labors, Sutter was honored with the task of presenting to Governor Riley the result of its deliberations. This was the peak of his political life the moment of greatness of which he had long dreamed. It was a recognition of his prominence. With tears in his eyes and a trembling hand, he passed the charter of California liberties to Governor Riley and spoke a few halting words.

Thirty-two long years of strife and struggle followed. The family came. They found the once resourceful pioneer bowed with bitterness. Squatters were contesting the title to his hard won possessions. Grasping lawyers were assailing his rights. From Court to Court they dragged the bewildered Sutter, stripping him of what was rightfully his. From affluence he sank to a grateful receiver of alms when the State of California granted him a pension of $250.00 a month. Then he turned his back on the scenes of his triumphs and in the little Moravian settlement of Lititz in Pennsylvania, where the Brethren of the Unity received him and asked no questions, he found asylum.

His efforts to induce Congress to recognize his woes and give him relief were all in vain. He became a familiar figure about the Capitol during sessions, urging his case, but to no purpose. In a cheap Washington boarding house he breathed his last a disappointed, defeated man.

They buried him in the peace and quiet of the little cemetery at Lititz. There the simple marble slab which marks the end of his wanderings records the fact that he was born February 28, 1803, and that he died June 18, 1880.

Six months later another grave was dug at his side for Anna Dubelt Sutter, his wife, whose constant companionship during the last thirty years of his life was Johann August Sutter's greatest consolation.

Sutter's so-called Diary appeared in four issues of the San Francisco Argonaut--January 26, February 2, 9, and 16, 1878--and at that time the Argonaut's editor prefaced it with:

It is to be regretted that the entries in Sutter's Diary end long before the great adventurer's death, likewise that the original of the narrative has disappeared, but what we fortunately possess does give us more than an inkling of what manner of man was this Johann August Sutter--called by his Spanish-speaking friends, Don Juan Agosto--who carved out for himself a principality in the wilderness of the Sacramento Valley, and there planted seeds of civilization whose fruit was the Discovery of Gold and the ultimate upbuilding of California.


Excepts from Captain Sutter's diary first appeared in 1878 in the San Francisco Argonaut, and were reprinted by the Grabhorn Press in 1932. These diary selections were apparently made by Sutter as part of his struggle to win title to lands that were granted to him under Mexican law. According to the Argonaut the Sutter manuscript was written in 1857.

Douglas Sloane Watson (1875-1948), who wrote the brief biography of John Sutter for this book, was a writer and editor who specialized in museum-quality limited-edition reprints and facsimiles of early California books and documents. He was a prolific contributor to the California Historical Society Quarterly, and wrote "Did the Chinese discover America? A critical examination of the Buddhist priest Hui Shen's account of Fu Sang, and the apochryphal voyage of the Chinese navigator Hee-Li" for that journal in 1935.

He also wrote stories about early California history that were privately printed for members of the Roxburghe Club in San Francisco, and the Book Club of California.

Gladys Hansen
February 2000

A Hessian Soldier’s Letter Home Describes Colonial America

Hessian Jaeger. German huntsmen carrying grove bored rifles. Often used as skirmishers.

The following was taken from a letter written by Lieutenant Johann von Hinrichs (later Captain) of a company of Hessian Jaeger riflemen or chasseurs (taken from the French which literally means ‘hunter’) to Professor Schlozer. Hinrichs (1752-1834) briefly describes his travels from Bremerlehe to the American colonies via Portsmouth (England), Halifax (Nova Scotia), Staten Island, and Long Island, where he participated in the Battle of Long Island and other battles of the American Revolution. The letter was written on September 18 th , 1776, a few days after the battles of Kip’s Bay and Harlem Heights September 15 & 16. During the latter conflict, Lt. Hinrichs was seriously wounded in the chest within “four finger-breadths from the heart.” He was later rehabilitated with a family near Harlem, along the East River.

Two Jaeger companies were among the first German troops sent to the Americas in 1776. The second company was commanded by Captain Johann Ewald and the first, of which Lieutenant Hinrichs was assigned, was commanded by Captain Wreden. Colonel von Dunop lead the brigade under which the Jaegers were assigned. All German troops were under the direct order of General Leopold Philip de Heister.

Hessians thrown back from first assault on Chatterton Hill at the Battle of White Plains, October 28, 1776.

Hinrichs was well educated. He trained as an engineer and was commissioned a lieutenant of Hessian ‘huntsmen’ or Jaegers who served as point guard and skirmishers for the infantry. He penned a series of letters to the Hesse Kassel Minister of State, Friedrich Christian Arnold von Jungkenn. His letters were included in August Ludwig von Schlozer’s collection of German correspondence during the American Revolution. During the Napoleonic Wars, he was a major general in command of 8,000 Prussian troops.

These excerpts describe the land and residences he observed at Halifax, Staten Island, and during his three-week occupation of Long Island:

18th Century Halifax. British Soldiers of the 28th Regiment

“Halifax is a wretched city. The streets are sandy roads with a row of barracks on each side in which cobblers, brewers (who brew with bark a beer that is very good), and the like live. The churches are a couple of houses twenty-odd paces long the arsenal and Government House are fair. Poverty, crude art, want of culture show everywhere. Houses merely boarded in where standing on a meadow with no other foundation. One saw few horned cattle and those were small, with on herdsman. All the forts and batteries were just thrown up with fresh sod. Many New Englanders fled here from Boston, etc., and perhaps this will bring the province new prosperity.

August 12 th , we entered New York’s Harbor or inside Sandy-hook, and cast anchor near Hendriks Point. All you could see was a fleet of over four hundred and fifty ships in the harbor and then a multitude of boats which patrol the enemy’s coast so that they may not set fire to the fleet or any deserters get through. Imagine the finest kind of a harbor with room for a thousand ships, all these ships really at hand, all filled with men, and all around a hostile and a friendly camp, in the most glorious region, with the finest weather, and all these men ready for a task upon which hung the whole welfare of England.

18th Century Staten Island

Staten Island is a hilly country with fine forests, which are a sort of pine, the odor of which one often smells two hours out at sea but it is really but little settled. The soil is very fertile. Peaches, chestnuts, nuts, apples, pears, and grapevines grow in wild confusion, with roses and blackberry bushes.

The climate and type of soil are surely the finest, healthiest, and most agreeable in the world and one or more individuals could prepare a treasure for their posterity, if they could now incest a considerable sum. Now, however, everything is still very raw, poor, and at present, stripped of the most essential things by the exhortations of the rebels and the encampments of the royal troops. The so-called Oldtown and Newtown consist of two rows of houses each, their walls and roofs covered with boards, and scarcely twenty-five feet long. Horned cattle are scarce, because the soldiers had eaten [about] everything.

Flatbush Long Island, 1776

The houses are wretched. The inhabitants are mostly Dutch by extraction so the German language is fairly current. I see various blacks here who are just as free as the whites. On the whole things here are just as at home the same sort of shrubs and trees, only the leaves are larger and the trees thicker because the soil is richer. For two months this Staten Island was the only land that England still possessed in all North America.

Long Island is a beautiful island. It has a multitude of meadows, tilled fields, fruit trees of all kinds, and fine houses, although the rebels had already carried off many things. Nearly all the inhabitants had fled from the houses. When we landed on August 22 nd [invasion and pretext to the battle fought five days later] we marched through Gravesand and New Utrecht here there are a few spacious villages with churches and pretty houses. That evening we entered Flackbush [Flatbush]. I have made a sketch of Flackbush, because we stayed there five days and fought with the rebels: it was a fine village before these incendiaries burned the greater part of it.

Hessians storm Colonel Rawling’s Redoubt of Pennsylvania Riflemen and three cannon. Margaret Corbin, who manned a cannon after her husband was killed, is featured in Don Troiani’s painting of the Battle of Fort Washington, Nov. 16, 1776.

There were, and still are several villas there [Long Island]. Newtown has several streets. Brooklinn, Kirk, etc., is all one long street with trees and houses built close together. You see here neat, little houses with gardens, meadows, and fruit trees in plenty. In Newtown there are two English churches and one Dutch Reformed church.

Freeshbone and Little Battein belong to Newtown both have few houses. Most of the inhabitants of Freeshbone are Quakers who have a meeting-house there. The Quakers do not belong to the rebels rather, they have announced in all their meetings or churches, that whosoever should take up arms would have his name stricken off the list.

In Jamaica-town are three churches, one English, one Presbyterian, and one Dutch. There are no Quakers here. The market-village New York Ferry ahs houses built contiguous, and artisans and arts still flourish there. The section around Jamaica is very charming and mostly level. From there a road runs to Hemstead, where there are fine plains with hills running along the side and small woods. Hemstead is a church-town with two churches, one English and one Presbyterian it has extensive territory, although very few houses stand in Hemstead proper. The inhabitants, as upon the whole island, are rich, well-to-do people, who have the real wealth of the state i.e., they are rich landowners. There are many Quakers here.

Example of Long Island Countryside

The whole island is like a painted landscape. You can hardly go an English mile in these two counties [King’s and Queen’s Counties] without finding houses. The inhabitants are lively, and usually rascals at heart. The air here is still (in September) very pleasant. Winter begins with December and lasts till the beginning or end of March.

Deep snow falls often, so there is sleighing every year. Frequently the winters are damp, but in summer, it is mostly dry, except in August, when there are many thunderstorms. Tobacco is not raised in King’s County, but is in Jamaica. In peacetimes everyone here lives a pleasant, monotonous, healthy life. The cattle are strong and plentiful. Gardenstuffs are the same as at home. The women are not ugly and on the mainland, are said to be very pretty. The good, quite too good manner of living was the reason that these people grew haughty, but without intrigue from England and even from London, the disorder would never have grown so bad. The more I regard this land, the fine grass, the luxuriant grain and hemp, and the beautiful orchards, the more I envy the formerly happy inhabitants of this excellent land, the sorrier I am for the unfortunates who must now suffer with the rest through the intrigues and personal envy of their fellow countrymen and others.

Everywhere I went there were barns crammed full of the farmers’ wealth, but seldom or never did I find a house with the inhabitants in it where war and the wantonness of the English had not ruined everything. Most of the fruit trees were peach and apple the streets were lined with them pears, however, were not so plenty. So much for this time as an observer who is always on picket could see and jot down at odd moments. One thing more. You know the Huguenot wars in France what Religion was there, Liberty is here, simply fanaticism, and the effects are the same.”

List of Family Histories in the SCHS Collection

BOSSARD Eighty-one Years of Living by M. Bossrad, M.D.

BRECHTL Brechtl Family

BRECKA The Brecka Family by D. Brecka & N. Jenewein

BURMESTER A Barn of The Place by R.S. Burmester

BURMESTER The Henry Burmester Family

CAFLISCH A Family History by R. Doepke, 2011

CAFLISCH The Caflisch Family by C.M. Caflisch, 2008

CARGILL Cargill Beginnings by J.L. Work

CARR Carr Family by F. & E. Carr, J. & K. Carr, M.C. Carr

CASE William Case of England 1635-1984

CHAMNESS Tinkham (see Tinkham)

CHITTENDEN Chittenden-Loomis-Cavanaugh Genealogy

COENEN Shimmel Coenen 1917-1998

COLLER Descendants of John Coller by R.G. Walker

COOKE Their Paths Led Here (see Robertson)

COOPER Lemuel & Matilda Cooper Family History 1815-1988 (2 copies)

CRARY Alice Crary Belfre

CURRY Curry Combings by R. Curry

CUSHMAN Their Paths Led Here (see Robertson)

DARTT Dartt Family by M. Thompson, 1928

DAVIS Davis Folks supplied by Audrey Davis Opperman

DOEPKE The Doepke Family by B. & B. Doepke

DOEPKE In a Military Manner, The Adventures of a Little M.P. by R. Doepke

DOEPKE Short Stuff, An Autobiography by R. Doepke

DONAHUE Their Paths Led Here (see Robertson)

DORGAN The Long, Long Ago by Anna Dorgan Owens, 1963

DUBOIS Family Interest News by E. (Miller) (Jones) DuBois

DURBEN Family Tree and History of our Family

by B. Bittner, V. & J. Durben, J. Hansen

FOX The Diary of Jared Fox 1852-54

FOX Jared Fox's Memorandum

GAETZKE The Gaetzke Family Tree by R. Walker, 2001 (2 copies)

GAETZKE aDescendants of Jakob Gaetzke by R. Walker

GAETZKE Families Related to Gaetzkes Volume I

GAETZKE Families Related to Gaetzkes Volume II

GALLAGHER Family History of James Gallagher 1802-1879

and Catherine McHugh 1810-1904

GASKELL Ruth Gaskell Woodbury Family History 1636-1990

GASSER Gasser Family Tree

GASSER List of Descendants of Jacob Gasser

GLARNER Yagy Family History (see Yagy)

GILLINGHAM The Gillingham Family History by R.C. Gillingham, Jr.

GRANT ROBERT GRANT (1839-1919) Volumes I & II

GREENSLIT The Genealogy of Rev. War Pvt. John Greenslit

GRIFFIN A Few Ancestors and Relatives of John Raymond Griffin by J.R. Griffin

GRUBER The Gruber Family 1966

GRUBER The Captain's Daughter by E.D. Gruber

HACKETT The Hackett Family

HACKETT The Hackett Family Album 1949

HAMBLIN Their Paths Led Here (see Robertson)

HARMEL Descendants of Ferdinand and Louise Kalkbrenner Harmel

HARRIS The Harris Family by S.J. (Harris) Keifer

HARRISON The Harrison Family of Alexandria, Hunterdon Co., New Jersey

HATZ Family Stories by R. Hatz

HEBERT Hebert History by C.W. Ryan, 1978

HILL Mary Hill Diaries

HILL The Hills of Mars by D.R. Haskin

HILLMER Johann F. Hillmer and Catherine E. Scheller by B.J. Hillmer

HINRICHS The Fred Albert Hinrichs Family (2 copies)

HOLLENBECK Some Ancestral Lines of the Hollenbeck Sisters by W.S. Gill

HOUSE House Family History by I. Seaborn

HORZ Otto Horz Volume II

HORZ Otto Horz Volume III

JENKINS The Families of Warren Stanley Jenkins by G.F. Jenkins

JOHNSON Love Links (see Shale)

JUDEVINE Judevine Family History Volume I by H. Stieve

JUDEVINE Judevine Family Volume II by H. Stieve

KELLER Keller Family History from 1812 to mid 1900s by J.K. Leitzke

KELLOGG The Kellogg Family of Sauk Co., Wisconsin by P.H. Hasheider

KIDDER Kidder Family History by W.L. Kidder, 1996

KIDDER Kidder/Schriber Genealogy by W.L. Kidder, 1989

KINDSCHI Family Histories - Kindschi, Yagi, Steuber & Jenewein from 1840s

KINDSCHI The Kindschi Family by R.W. Pulver, 1980

KINDSCHI Johann Kindschi Family History – 1800-1990 by D. Kindschi (2 copies)

KINDSCHI Yagy Family History (see Yagy)

KINGSLEY Kingsley Family History by S.L. & J.C. Cunningham

KLEIN Yagy Family History (see Yagy)

KRAEMER Wisconsin Kraemers part I: The Old World of Bavaria, and Kraemer in Amerika.

KRAEMER Kraemer in Amerika Volume 1: The Kraemer Series by Debra A. Blau &

KRAEMER A Kraemer Chronicle by C. Geesman (2 copies)

LEISER Leiser Family History by K. Leiser & R. Kluck, 1993

LIEGEL Liegel Family History by H.J.Liegel, 1974

LONG Everet James Long - The Story of a Life in Sauk Co., Wisconsin

LONG The Longs of Longfield 1998 by D.M. Long-Howe Caragata

LUSBY The Lusby Family of Baraboo, Wisconsin by H.Lusby Stieve

MAGLI Magli Family History by D. Kindschi, 1850-1987

MAGLI Magli-Cooper History by D. Kindschi, 1983

MALLON The Families of Roy and Eunice Mallon by K. Mallon Lester, 2001

MANTHE An Historical & Genealogical Survey of the Manthe – Schultz – Stiemke Families of South Central Wisconsin by N.M. Manthe

MARTIN Love Links (see Shale)

McINTYRE Luke McIntyre Genealogy by W.L. & C.J. McIntyre, 2005

MEADOWS Love Links (see Shale)

MICHELS Michols of Germany and Dane & Sauk Counties, WI by N.L. Brown

MILLER The Miller Family History by R.V. Doepke

MITCHELLTREE Mitchelltree/Tylee by D.D. Mitchelltree

MOELY Family Record of Andreas & Elizabetu Moely by D. & M. Moely

MOORE See Ryan

MORSBACH Morsbach Family History by A. & S. Barton

MUELLER Register of the Erhart Mueller Papers, 1864-1992

MULLIGAN Their Paths Led Here (see Robertson)

MURRAY The Murray Family, Bear Valley

NEWTON The Newton Genealogy by E.N. Leonard

O'BRIEN Tell Us About the Olden Days by L.M. O'Brien Huber

OCHSNER The Ochsner Story by Erhart Mueller (2 copies)

O'CONNELL From Modest Beginnings, Family History by G.H. O'Connell

OWEN Genealogical History of Eva Marie Owen

PALMER The Palmer Family Lineage by H. Palmer Hyde

PECKHAM The Peckham Family by C.W. Peckham, Sr.

PECKHAM Index for Peckham Genealogy

POINTON Descendants of Mair Pointon by R. Doepke

PRONOLD The Genealogy and History of the Pronold Family

by D. Danelski & P. Pulvermacher

RABUCK Rabuck Family History by M.P. Garver

RAGATZ Memoirs of a Sauk Swiss by Rev. O. Ragatz

RICE Rice Relatives from Ireland by C.W. Ryan, 1977

RINGLING A Chronological Study of the Wrangling Ringlings by D.L. Heflin 2002

RINKOB I Was Once Your Age by C.W. Rinkob

ROBERTSON Their Paths Led Here by B.D. Larsen

ROBINSON Their Paths Led Here by B.D. Larsen (see Robertson)

ROBSON Robson Family History

RUGGLES Early Days in Baraboo, WI With The Ruggles by M.M. Ruggles

RYAN Descendants of Two Irish Families: Ryan and Moore by C.W. Ryan

SANSUM Brand Book Number Seven 1983

SASSENRATH Sassenrath by E.T. Dorr, 1992

SCHELLER Hilmer-Hillmer & Scheller by B.J. Hilmer, 2007

SCHERF Scherf: Christian Andreas Scherf Family by R. Levine & P.S. Smith

SCHLIECKAU Family Histories by W.C. Schuette (see Schuette)

SCHLUTER Autobiographical Glimpses by H.C. Schluter

SCHLUTER The Schluter Family History by Rev. H.C. Schluter, 1928

SCHNELLERS 150 Years of Schnellers in America 1848-1998 by D.A. Lassos

SCHOEPHOERSTER Schoephoester Family History 1835-1984 by M.S. Moely

SCHUETTE The Schuette Family Heritage by W.C. Schuette

SCHUETTE Family Histories by W.C. Schuette

SCHULTZ Manthe – Schultz – Stiemke Families (see Manthe)

SCHWEPPE Yagy Family History (see Yagy)

SEDER The Seders: An American Family & its German Roots by A.R. Seder

SHALE Love Links, A Family History by A.S. Zick & M.I. Shale (see Zick)

SHULTIS Ernest R. White and Olive P. Shultis/Heritage Album

SKAVLEM The Skavlem and Odegarden Families by H.L. Skavlem

SMALL Small Family Genealogy by S.L. & J.C. Cunningham

SPRECHER Sprechers of Sauk County, Wisconsin

STEELE History of Crescent Meadow Farm by H. Stieve

STEINHORST Descendants of Three Children of H. Steinhorst Who Immigrated to Sauk County by R.G. & L.L. Yeck, 2001

STIEMKE Manthe – Schultz – Stiemke Families (see Manthe)

STIEVE The Stieve Family in Sauk County by H. Stieve

STOLTE Stolte Family History by W.C. Schuette

STOLTE Family Histories by W.C. Schuette (see Schuette)

STUPHAUS Descendants of Johann Stuphaus by R.G. Walker

THAKE Thake Family History by P.T. Luke

THERING Thering Family by E.L. Ringelstetter, 1987 (2 copies)

THOMAS Thomas Family History

TIFFANY Descendants of Reuben Ward and Jemima Tiffany by V.E. Uphold

TINKHAM Tinkham Families of Early Sauk Co., WI by R.S. Peterson, 1984

TYLEE Tylee From D.D.M. Knucky, 1988

TYLEE Mitchelltree/Tylee (see Mitchelltree)

VAN HENGEL Descendants of Arent Theunissen Van Hengel by R.G. Walker

VAN ORDEN Van Orden and Van Norden Family 1650-2003 by S. Iliff

VON WALD Von Wald by D. Kindschi

WAKELEE The History of Wakelee by G.R. Cunningham

WARD Descendants of Reuben Ward and Jemima Tiffany by V.E. Uphold

WARNER Andrew Warner Family by F.M. Hart

WARNER Their Paths Led Here (see Robertson)

WEBSTER Webster Family Tree by A.J. Moe

WHEELER Ella Wheeler Wilcox by M.P. Wheeler

WHITE Ernest R. White and Olive P. Shultis/Heritage Album

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